OAD313 Computer Applications in Business II: Introduction

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Transcript OAD313 Computer Applications in Business II: Introduction

SOC3073 Sociology of
Community:
Ecology and Political Economy
Perspectives
Tuesday, July 21,
2015
© 1999-2003 by Ronald Keith
Bolender
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Devotions
The word of the Lord came to
Jonah . . . “Go to the great city of
Nineveh and preach against it,
because its wickedness has come
up before me.”
Jonah 1:1-2 (NIV)
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Ecology and Political
Economy Perspectives
References
Castells, Manuel. 1977. The Urban Question: A Marxist Approach.
Cambridge, MA: M. I. T. Press.
Harvey, David. 1973. Social Justice and the City. London, England:
Arnold.
Kleniewski, Nancy. 1997. Cities, Change, and Conflict: A Political
Economy of Urban Life. Cincinnati, OH: Wadsworth Publishing
Company.
Palen, J. John. 2002. The Urban World. 6th ed. New York: The
McGraw-Hill Companies. Incorporated.
Smith, Michael and Joe Feagin, eds. 1987. The Capitalist City: Global
Restructuring and Community Politics. New York: Blackwell.
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Urban Paradigms
Review
Urban Paradigms
Handout
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Urban Paradigms:
Urban Ecology Paradigm
Ferdinand Tonnies (1855-1936) [German]
What is the difference between life in a
small town and life in a large city?
Gemeinschaft (traditional small
community)
People cooperate with each other very closely
This behavior being determined by kinship ties
This behavior reinforced by the social controls of
their neighbors and of the church
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Urban Paradigms:
Urban Ecology Paradigm
Gesellschaft (modern urban society)
Individuals act for their own self-interest
Cooperating only as much as required by
Laws
Contracts
Public opinion that constrains their actions
In the society of his time, he perceived that small,
close, traditional family-oriented communities
were being gradually superseded by large and
impersonal cities.
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Urban Paradigms:
Urban Ecology Paradigm
Emile Durkheim (1858-1917) [French]
He answered the same question as Tonnies
from a different perspective. He was
interested in how changes in society
would affect social cohesion, or, as he
called it, social solidarity.
Mechanical Solidarity versus
Organic Solidarity
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Urban Paradigms:
Urban Ecology Paradigm
Mechanical Solidarity Derive
cohesiveness from the similarities among
their members
Everyone in a village knows everyone else or is
related
Most practice the same religion and have a similar
world view
Very little variation in social and cultural values,
ethnic background, or occupational distribution
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Urban Paradigms:
Urban Ecology Paradigm
Organic Solidarity Based not on the
similarities among residents but on the
interdependence born of social and
occupational differences among people
Many different religious, political, ethnic, and
family backgrounds
Members are bound together out of
necessity
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Urban Paradigms:
Urban Ecology Paradigm
Georg Simmel (1858-1918) [German]
Tonnies and Durkheim focused on the
macrosocial level whereas Simmel focused
on the microsocial or the individual.
Simmel’s theorizing initiated a social
psychology of urban life, launched by his
famous essay on cities, “The Metropolis
and Mental Life” (1905).
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Urban Paradigms:
Urban Ecology Paradigm
Simmel argued that urban interactions thus
tended to be colder, more calculating, based on
rationality and objectification of others than
relationships in smaller communities.
Simmel did not think that urban social life was
all bad; on the contrary, he seemed to prefer
city life with its reserved blasé outlook to the
close ties and lack of privacy that village life
represented.
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Urban Paradigms:
Urban Ecology Paradigm
The classical theorists emerged from their own
social experiences in the massive transformation
of Europe from rural and village-based
feudalism to urban, industrial capitalism. They
stressed questions of:
Social Order
Social Cohesion
Community Ties
Social Differentiation
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Urban Paradigms:
Political Economy Paradigm
Karl Marx (1818-1883) [German]
Marx studied the growth of cities and their
connection with the development of
industrial capitalism.
Trade between towns and the countryside
disproportionately benefited the town
dwellers, particularly capitalists.
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Urban Paradigms:
Political Economy Paradigm
Marx used a different type of division of labor than
Durkheim. He viewed the division of labor as place
driven, not individual driven:
 Towns specialized in producing goods
 Rural areas specialized in producing food
 In this division of labor, Marx argued, the towns were dominating
and exploiting the rural areas---forcing rural areas to produce more
food to purchase the goods being produced by the towns through
developing economic webs.
 In Marx’s view this process made rural dwellers dependent on urban
markets to sell their products and transformed rural life, making it
more like town life and less self-sufficient than it had previously
been.
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Urban Paradigms:
Political Economy Paradigm
Use Values versus Exchange Value
Example of a home
Provide shelter for the owners
Could be converted (exchanged) for cash
Economic systems have inherent
contradictions
Example of Industrial Capitalism
Creation of working class (Proletariat)
Creation of employer class (Bourgeoisie)
Low wages provided profit to employers
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Urban Paradigms:
Political Economy Paradigm
Friedrich Engels (1820-1895) [German]
Studied spatial patterns in England’s industrial
towns---Manchester was the focus of one study
 Workers’ residences were confined to the smallest, least
accessible streets in the unhealthiest and least desirable
physical locations of the city
Kept hidden off main streets so that industrialists would not
have to see the miserable living conditions of the workers (“out
of sight out of mind”)
 Industrialists’ residences occupied the cleaner, more
desirable, and more
centrally located main streets
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Urban Paradigms:
Political Economy Paradigm
Engels argued that employers could do this not simply
because they had the ability to pay more for individual
parcels of land but because as a group they held
economic, political, and social domination over the town,
and thus could control its spatial layout. Engels rejected
the notion that urban land use was simply a matter of
the process of bidding for land in an impersonal
marketplace. Instead, he pointed out a more
fundamental mechanism of social, economic, and
political domination of one social class over another.
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Urban Paradigms:
Political Economy Paradigm
Max Weber (1864-1920) [German]
Weber set out the idea that a city cannot be defined by a
single dimension, such as population size. He argued
that settlements recognized as cities have, throughout
history, played both economic and political roles. They
have served as markets for trade and as seats of
government. Thus the essence of the city lies not in its
size alone but also in its economic and political
functions. Without these institutions, even sizeable
communities would be socially insignificant and not truly
cities.
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Urban Paradigms:
Political Economy Paradigm
Weber agreed with Marx that modern societies
had social and economic inequalities. Marx
attributed these inequalities via the workplace.
Weber attributed these inequalities via the
social status and political power factors in
people’s lives. This later led to urban pattern
studies related to race, ethnicity, religion, and
class division.
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Human Ecology
Invasion and Succession
Invasion
Change comes through the intrusion of new
land use into an area of another land use
Succession
The end result is when one group or function
finally takes the place of another
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Human Ecology:
Urban Growth Theories
Review
Urban Growth
Theories/Models
Handout
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Human Ecology:
Urban Growth Theories
Concentric Zones Growth Hypothesis
Ernest W. Burgess -- Presented in 1925
Provides a good model of American urban
growth up until 1970
Five Concentric Zones
Zone
Zone
Zone
Zone
Zone
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I--Central Business District (CBD)
II--Zone in Transition
III--Zone of Working Persons’ Homes
IV--Middle-class Residential Zone
V--Commuters’ Zone (suburbia)
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Human Ecology:
Urban Growth Theories
Concentric Zone Growth Hypothesis
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Human Ecology:
Urban Growth Theories
Sector Theory
Homer Hoyt -- Presented in 1939
Provides good model of post-WWII suburban
growth (especially development of highway
systems)
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Human Ecology:
Urban Growth Theories
Sector Theory
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Human Ecology:
Urban Growth Theories
Multiple-Nuclei Theory
Chauncy Harris and Edward Ullman -Presented in 1945
Does a better job describing a “metropolitan
area” than the central city
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Human Ecology:
Urban Growth Theories
Multiple-Nuclei Theory
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Urban Political Economy
Urban Political Economy
(also called The New Urban Sociology)
In contrast to the urban human ecology
model, this alternative pays more
attention to social inequality and social
conflict and less attention to the role of
technology as a driving force defining city
living and changing urban patterns.
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Urban Political Economy
Urban political economy draws on diverse
strands of theory and research including
Marxism and neo-Marxism, critical theory,
conflict theory, various types of political
economy theories, and world-system
theories.
This theoretical perspective is now the
dominant one among researchers.
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Urban Political Economy
Urban political economy theory interprets
social change, and particularly urban
change, in terms of the ways societal
processes and structures produce
advantages for some groups and
disadvantages for others.
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Urban Political Economy
It frequently examines aspects of modern
city life such as urban poverty, residential
class and race segregation,
“deindustrialization,” urban fiscal crisis,
inequality in the distribution of city
services, “overurbanization” in the world’s
poorer countries, and the emergence of
global cities in the richest nations.
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Urban Political Economy
In analysis of such issues, the focus is on
factors such as the interest and actions of
economic and political elites, influential
urban institutions and organizations,
incentives and disincentives that are built
into the “system” (or systems) in which
cities are situated, and relationships
between cities and global forces.
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Urban Political Economy
Let us analyze an urban
phenomenon from the
urban human ecology
perspective and the
urban political economy
perspective.
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Urban Political Economy
The spatial differentiation of American
cities: the separation of areas that contain
factories and offices from areas of
residence, and the concentration of
housing among people of similar income
and ethnicity. Remember, northern
industrial cities were very concentrated
and centralized at the turn of the century
(1900).
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Urban Political Economy
Urban human ecologists interpret these facts by
stressing, among other factors, the causal
importance of technology embodied in
predominant modes of transportation. As
automobiles became more widely used, for
example, North American cities became more
decentralized with respect to location of
workplaces and homes, and higher-income
groups were increasingly more likely to take up
suburban residence, outside city limits.
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Urban Political Economy
Urban political economy agrees that the rise
of the automobile was critically important,
but asks, “Why did the automobile
become so widely used? How was it
allowed to become such a dominant form
of transportation (especially given its
costs and disadvantages)?”
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Urban Political Economy
The answers that urban human ecologists
give to these questions link technological
development with the individual economic
decisions of U.S. families.
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Urban Political Economy
Urban political economy, on the other hand, moves away from
explanations of consumer preferences, in favor of an
approach that examines the role of powerful corporate
actors and political institutions. Urban political economists
point to the key role of automobile manufactures, rubber
tire companies, and the oil industry in influencing public
policy favoring the development of elaborate highway
systems at the expense of rail and other mass transit
systems. Further, this approach focuses on the conflicts
between working-class people and minorities, on the one
hand, and affluent professionals and managerial classes, on
the other, in contributing to suburbanization and
“exurbanization.”
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Urban Political Economy
The Development of the Urban
Political Economy Perspective
Major assumptions of the urban human
ecology were questioned
Studies of advanced industrial cities
Studies of third world urbanization
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Urban Political Economy
Two works (books) boosted the development of
the Urban Political Economy Perspective
David Harvey 1973 Social Justice and the City
Argued that severe urban problems and social inequality in
Baltimore were the direct, predictable results of the
operation of capitalist markets in land and real estate.
Manuel Castells 1977 The Urban Question: A Marxist
Approach
Marxist approach attaching great importance to the ways
that urban patterns are linked to a socioeconomic system of
competitive capitalism---not just a free marketplace system
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Urban Political Economy
During the 1970s, there was a growing
agreement that capitalism itself involves global
political-economic relations
The setting in which particular cities grow larger or
smaller, prosper or decline, is the whole world
The interrelations (or “articulation”) between. . .
Locally based activities and organizations and other
social systems (like the national political system or
international economy) are a central concern to
urban political economy theory and research (Smith
and Feagin 1987).
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World System Theory
World system theory suggests that the
development of capitalism has been a
long historical process in which
increasingly more areas of the globe are
incorporated into an overarching
geopolitical and economic system.
But different areas gain membership in
this world system on different terms.
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World System Theory
Levels of Membership
Core
More economically developed countries
Like the United States, Japan, many European countries
Home to the advanced capitalists institutions, like
large transnational corporations
This creates opportunities for people who live in the major
cities of these societies to be involved in high-level jobs and
decision-making processes that are usually not available to
people living in countries outside of the core.
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World System Theory
Periphery
Relatively poor, less-developed countries
Examples include many African, Asian, and Latin
American countries
Semiperiphery
Intermediate countries that are between core
and periphery status
Examples include South Korea, Argentina, and
Poland
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World System Theory
The core, periphery, and semiperiphery are united into a
hierarchical and global “division of labor” such that core
“development” and peripheral “underdevelopment”
reinforce each other.
Teenagers from core countries are served by the peasants
and peasant families of periphery countries by the
production of “fads” such as athletic shoes, various
types of sporting goods, clothes, etc. The people of the
developing countries are the lower level of the economic
ladder---a working “man” is below the level of a “nonworking” teenager.
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World System Theory
Commodification
The long-run trend for more and more of
what we use and consume to be goods and
services that we buy in markets. (As opposed
to producing one’s needs for oneself.)
Proletarianization
The long-run trend for a larger and larger
proportion of the world’s adult population to
depend on earning paid wages for work.
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World System Theory
In the world system theory, cities are a more
important linking node than countries. Goods,
information, finances, etc. are transported and
communicated from city to city. The term
“transnational corporation” means it has a larger
presence in more than one country. Its city to
city connections are not confined by the
geographical boundaries of “countries.”
The Coca-Cola corporation is one of the older
examples.
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Urban Political Economy:
Assumptions
Cities are situated in a hierarchical global
system, and global linkages among cities help
define the structure of this world system.
The world system is one of competitive
capitalism.
Capital is easily moved; locations of cities are
fixed.
Politics and government matter.
People and circumstances differ according to
time and place, ©and
these differences matter.
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2015
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Urban Political Economy:
Assumptions
Cities are shaped by real flesh-and-blood
people making decisions in particular
situations. This may seem pretty obvious-but it often gets lost in abstract social
science explanations focusing on
“variables” and “social forces.”
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Urban Political Economy:
Urban Growth Machines
Who are the “players” that benefit by
encouraging urban growth? What
motivates these players to want urban
growth?
A “place” (such as land) is valuable in two ways:
As an object of exchange (to be bought and
sold)
As something this is valuable when it is used (as
a place to live or to do business)
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Urban Political Economy:
Urban Growth Machines
 How many times have you heard that a city ought to
“improve” itself to attract new businesses and/or
people?
 Does that growth really benefit everyone who currently
lives in that city?
 What if you are a renter--you are content with the
current state and size of the city/urban area---what
happens if there is a tremendous growth in your area?
Do rents go up or go down?
 Who is likely to benefit the most?
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Urban Political Economy:
Urban Growth Machines
Warning---do not take this observation as
an anti-improvement statement.
Most people would not want their city to
go to ruin---but is all aggressive
development beneficial to the community?
How do you develop a moderate
approach?
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Urban Political Economy:
Urban Growth Machines
Question
Even if you believe in the free market
system----does a house/land have an
unique distinction---say from automobiles?
In other words, is a house/land different
due to its “place” or “location”
characteristic?
Current Example: Westerville, Ohio
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