Transcript Hiatus resolution - Centres docents

PaPI 2005 Barcelona
On the origin and evolution of the
contrast between tautosyllabic and
heterosyllabic sequences of vocoids
in Romance
Ioana Chitoran
Dartmouth College
José Ignacio Hualde
University of Illinois, Urbana-Champaign
USA
Cross-Romance typology of glide-vowel
variability
Goals
• Understanding the presence or absence of variability in the
production of vocalic sequences (iV, jV) in Romance
languages.
• The comparative study of variability provides an insight
into the historical evolution of a phonological system.
Hypothesis
Variability is related to:
• The presence of the glide [j] from other historical sources
• The effects of prosodic structure on the realization of
linguistic units
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Latin iV sequences
Catalan, Portuguese
French
Spanish
Romanian
[miope]
[bjela]
[italjana]
[miopu]
[biela]
[italjana]
(Italian)
[mjp]
[bjl]
[medjan] ‘median’
diphthong
(jV)
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‘short-sighted’
‘rod’
‘Italian’f.
sequence
(iV)
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Historical diphthongs
Latin /’ptra/
French
p[j]rre
Spanish
p[je]dra
Romanian
p[ja]tr
Portuguese
p[]dra
• Standard French: iV sequences contract to jV, merging with
historical diphthongs
Exceptions: after complex onsets (l[j]er vs. pl[i].er); across a
morpheme boundary (tr[wa] ‘three’ vs. tr[u.a] ‘he dug’)
• Castilian Spanish: iV sequences contract to jV, merging with
diphthongs
Exceptions: across a morpheme boundary (boqu[i-a]ncho)
(Navarro Tomás 1977; Hualde 1997); paradigmatic effects (l[i.á]mos ‘we
tie’ cf. l[í.a]s ‘you tie’; sometimes in word-initial position; Aguilar
1999; Colina 1999; Hualde & Prieto 2002; Chitoran & Hualde 2002)
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• Romanian: iV maintained, contrast with historical
diphthongs jV (Chitoran 2001; Chitoran & Hualde 2002)
• Portuguese:
- no historical diphthongs
- iV maintained, jV possible in casual/fast speech
(Mateus & d’Andrade 2000; Mateus et al.2003)
Same scenario for Catalan (Cabré & Prieto 2004)
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Differences in historical details
Romanian
Diphthongs in limited context, after labials:
PETRA > pjatr
‘stone’
Palatalization of coronals and velars, glide absorbtion:
TERRA > tsar
SEPTEM > Sapte
DECEM > zetSe
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‘land’
‘seven’
‘ten’
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Other sources of glides
Romanian and Italian
Stop-liquid clusters:
PLENA > It. pjena
CLAMARE > It. kjamare
‘full’ f.
‘to call’
Rom. kjema
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iV sequences
Diphthong production (jV) vs. hiatus sequence
production (iV)
• Native speaker syllabification judgments:
– tautosyllabic (jV) vs. heterosyllabic (i.V)
• Acoustic duration:
– shorter vs. longer duration
(Hualde & Prieto 1999, Chitoran & Hualde 2002)
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Effects of prosodic structure
• Lengthening at prosodic boundaries (in a
syllable onset at word and phrase boundary)
• e.g., Fougeron & Keating 1997, Turk & Shattuck-Hufnagel
2000, Fougeron 2001, Cho & Keating 2001
• Relative timing of gestures is affected by the
proximity of prosodic boundaries
• Byrd 2000
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Romance vocalic sequences
Two types of prosodic effects
• Position in the word
– Sequences tend to be longer word-initially than
word-internally
• Position with respect to stress
– Sequences tend to be longer the closer they are to
the main stress syllable, preceding it
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Word position effect – Romanian
- 4 speakers, 7 repetitions, total 560 words
- Control for stress, no of syllables, segmental context
- Measured: acoustic duration of iV sequence (Praat)
Carrier phrase:
Spúne __ de trei órj
‘say __ three times’
Examples:
(orthography)
word-initial
ca-n pión
ce piós
ce viábil
din Diána
vezj tiáre
si ca liána
Chitoran & Hualde, PaPI 2005, Barcelona
word-internal
campión
copiós
serviábil
mediána
vestiáre
italiána
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Results – Romanian
iV sequences longer word-initially than medially (p<.0001)
iV sequence duration by position
230
220
ms
210
word initial
word medial
222
217
209
200
202
202
200
185
190
182
180
170
Sp1
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Sp2
Sp3
speakers
Sp4
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Word position and stress
Castilian Spanish
- 4 speakers, 4 repetitions, total 528 words
Carrier phrase:
Dígo __ porque sí
‘I say __ just so’
Initial-stressed
Medial-stressed
Initial-unstressed
Chitoran & Hualde, PaPI 2005, Barcelona
fiórdo
diéta
diána
cordiál
italiána
piolét
diagonál
‘fiord’
‘diet’
‘Diana’
‘cordial’
‘Italian’ f.
‘axe’
‘diagonal’
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Results – Spanish
initial-stressed > medial-stressed > initial-unstressed
(p<.001)
iV sequence duration (means)
180
initial-stressed
initial-unstressed
medial-stressed
172
161
160
140
152
153
140
138
135
ms
129
119
120
115
109
97
100
80
Sp1
Sp2
Sp3
Sp4
speakers
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Word position effect – French
5 speakers, 7 repetitions, total 630 words
Carrier phrase:
Examples:
(orthography)
Dis-nous __ de nouveau
word-initial
une pionne
la viole
le diol
ta nielle
mes Dianes
tes lierres
ta liasse
Chitoran & Hualde, PaPI 2005, Barcelona
‘tell us __ again’
word-internal
championne
raviole
s’étiole
Danielle
médiane
bélière
alias
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Results – French
iV sequences longer word-initially than medially (p<.05)
ms
iV sequence duration (French)
170
160
150
140
130
120
110
100
164
158
160
155
159
150
127
120
Sp1
Sp2
Sp3
word-initial
word-medial
131
117
Sp4
Sp5
speakers
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Portuguese – No word position effect
European Portuguese (EP) Brazilian Portuguese (BP)
- 4 speakers, 7 repetitions
- 5 speakers, 3 repetitions
- total 502 words
- total 269 words
Carrier phrase: Digo ___ porque sim
‘I say __ just so’
word-initial
(orthography) a liana
que viavel
da Diana
a miada
Examples:
word-internal
aliada
enviavel
mediana
amealha
No word position effect (p > .05)
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Cross-Romance patterns
Different patterns with respect to “degree of contrast” between glides
and vowels
glide / vowel contrast
Romanian
Spanish
French
Portuguese
yes
partial
no
no
- all glides
- all vowels
Factors:
• The presence of glides (diphthongs) from other historical sources
• Prosodic effects on the duration of vocalic sequences
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Presence of diphthongs Contrast
French
Spanish
Romanian
yes
yes
yes, but in
no
partial
yes
Position effect
(initial / internal)
(p < .05)
(p < .001)
(p < .0001)
no
no position effect
limited context
Portuguese no
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Proximity to stress effects
• Spanish, Romanian, Portuguese
Immediately pretonic syllables tend to have greater
duration than other unstressed syllables further to the left
(Hualde & Chitoran 2003)
stressed
pretonic
pre-pretonic
Chitoran & Hualde, PaPI 2005, Barcelona
# V*
# V
# V
  #
*  #
 * #
* indicates stress
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Proximity to stress effects in iV
sequences
- Same speakers (3 Spanish, 4 Romanian, 4 EP, 5 BP)
- Same carrier phrase, randomized list
- Measured duration of word-initial iV sequence
stressed
Spanish/
diáspora
Portuguese diácono
Romanian
diáspora
diáconu
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pretonic
diamánte
diabétes
diatríba
diamántu
diabéturj
diatríba
pre-pretonic
diapasón
diagonál
diametrál
diapazón
diagonál
diametrál
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Results
stressed > pretonic > pre-pretonic
stressed > pretonic, pre-pretonic
stressed, pretonic > pre-pretonic
2 Sp, 2 R, 1 EP
1 Sp, 1 R, 3 EP
1R
(p < .05)
/iV/ se que nce - Proximity to stre ss e ffe cts
250
197
duration
200
150
175
164
121
164
stressed
104
pretonic
100
pptonic
50
0
Spanish
Chitoran & Hualde, PaPI 2005, Barcelona
Romanian
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European Portuguese
stressed > pretonic > pre-pretonic
p < .05
E Portuguese /iV/ sequences - Proximity to stress
effects
300
252
duration
250
200
150
100
156
stressed
137
pretonic
pptonic
50
0
BP
word-internal:
stressed > pretonic > pre-pretonic
word-initial:
stressed > pretonic, pre-pretonic p < .0001
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Proximity to stress effects in
vowels
- Same speakers
- Test words: 5 triplets (Sp), 6/7 (Rom), 7 pairs (EP), contrasting in
location of stress
- Measure duration of vowel in word-initial syllable
Spanish
Romanian
stressed
célebre
lámina
pátima
répede
EPortuguese
Chitoran & Hualde, PaPI 2005, Barcelona
pretonic
celébre
lamína
patína
repéde
habíto
debíto
pre-pretonic
celebré
laminá
patiná
repetá
habitóu
debitóu
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Results – Spanish
stressed > pretonic > pre-pretonic
3 speakers
(p < .05)
V duration - Proximity to stress effects (Spanish)
100
duration
80
78
65
60
74
68
59
56 52
63
54
stressed
pretonic
40
pptonic
20
0
Sp1
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Sp2
Sp3
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Results – Romanian
stressed > pretonic > pre-pretonic
stressed > pretonic, pre-pretonic
3 speakers
1 speaker
(p < .05)
V duration - Proximity to stress effects (Romanian)
duration
140
120
100
119
93
83
80
95 89
84
90
76
84
78 78
66
stressed
pretonic
60
pptonic
40
20
0
Sp1
Chitoran & Hualde, PaPI 2005, Barcelona
Sp2
Sp3
Sp4
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Results – European Portuguese
pretonic > pre-pretonic
3 speakers
(p <. 05)
EPortuguese V duration - Proximity to stress effects
80
72
60
60
duration
62
58
initial
medial
60
54
40
20
0
Sp2
Chitoran & Hualde, PaPI 2005, Barcelona
Sp3
Sp4
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Summary
• Vowels in immediately pretonic syllables tend to be longer
than other earlier vowels
(at least in words bearing pitch accent)
• The duration differences correlate with the distribution of
heterosyllabic vowel sequences (exceptions) in Spanish.
These exceptions are reported for the most part in stressed
and pretonic syllables.
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Distribution of languages with respect to the
acoustic duration of iV sequences (means)
300
shorter (medial)
280
BP
260
EP
240
duration
longer (initial)
220
Rom
200
180
160
Sp
140
Fr
120
100
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Conclusions
• We established the presence of variability in the degree of contrast
between glides and vowels in several Romance languages.
• The variability can be explained by the interaction of two factors:
The presence of glides/diphthongs in the lexicon from other
historical sources, acting as “lexical attractors” for the reduction
of sequences (in agreement with Cabré & Prieto – to appear)
Independent prosodic effects – which can slow down the
merging tendency between iV sequences and diphthongs in
certain positions (word-initially, in a stressed syllable, and
closer to main stress).
• The comparative study of variability in the glide/vowel production
reveals information about the way in which different systems have
evolved with respect to the glide-vowel contrast.
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References
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Cabré, T. & P. Prieto (to appear) Exceptional hiatuses in Spanish
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Chitoran & Hualde, PaPI 2005, Barcelona
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Authors’ contact: [email protected]
[email protected]
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