Transcript Slide 1
The Changing American Labor Force Labor Force Distribution 1870-1900 1) Analyze these graphs and the ones on the previous slide and describe what is occurring to the American labor force. (use specific data to support your conclusions) 2) What is the reason for these changes? Observe the following photographs and identify the different impacts industrialization is having on labor. While viewing each photographs answer the following: 1. Who is doing the work? 2. What are the hazards? 3. What type of work are they doing? Would they need training? (skilled vs. unskilled) 4. What was it like to live during this time period? Working Conditions- What do you see? A group of miners pose for a picture……. 2000 feet underground!!!!! That is almost ½ of a mile! 3 miners waiting to use the primitive elevator to lower them into the mining shaft for a days work! Women and Children in the Workplace – What do you see? How is Big Business treating its workers according to the picture? Child Labor Children stand on the machine while it is in motion!!!! Here is a SIX year old girl working in a cotton mill “Galley Labor” Analyze this cartoon using your cartoon analysis questions Look carefully, what is missing? (more than 1 thing) What do you think happened? Daydreaming……. What is she thinking about? A candle would be placed into his hat to provide light while working in the mines! What occupational (job) hazards can you find in these pictures? The taller boy standing to the right oversees the breaker boys who separate the coal from the stones during mining. The machine used is moving quickly and they are not allowed to wear gloves! Why might this be dangerous? Women in the Workplace Mom and children working together in the seafood industry! Women sewing in a garment factory. Women canning fruits in order to preserve them! The Molly Maguires (1875) The Molly Maguires were a secret organization of coal miners in western Pennsylvania and West Virginia. Also known as the "Buckshots," "Sleepers," and "White Boys," the name "Molly Maguires"was taken from a famous widow who had headed a tenant protest in Ireland in the 1840s. By the 1860s, there was much unrest among coal miners. Working conditions were abysmal and hiring discrimination was common. The workers had little recourse since the mine operators controlled the workplace, housing, stores and often the police and courts. Inability to improve their conditions eventually led the workers to violence that was most often directed against mine owners and supervisors. The activities of the Molly Maguires were often shielded by the Ancient Order of Hibernians, an Irish-American fraternal group. Secrecy was strictly enforced. When reform demands were not met, mining equipment was destroyed, officials intimidated and sometimes killed. James McParland The end of the Mollies came in the mid-1870s when Franklin B. Gowen, president of the Philadelphia Coal and Iron Company, decided that the Mollies had to be put down. He hired a Pinkerton detective, James McParlan as an infiltrator. McParlan joined the organization and rose to become secretary of his division. When after a particularly heinous murder in 1875 led to the first capital conviction of a Molly, suspicion began to build that the nature of the testimony introduced at trial pointed to the likelihood of a traitor in their midst. McParlan began to look suspiciously like the best candidate. Despite a plot to murder him, McParlan was able to last a while longer and then slip away. In later murder trials, his testimony resulted in the conviction and hanging of 10 alleged members of the Molly Maguires. Those harsh sentences and public fear of radicalism led to the group’s rapid demise. The Corporate “Bully-Boys”: Pinkerton Agents Offering a range of “private investigative” services, the Pinkerton Detective Agency was founded in 1850 and at first specialized in train robberies: the protection of railroad property. By the late 1860s, however, Pinkerton agents were protecting all manner of property — most notoriously when its ownership was at odds with organized labor. A lot of agency detective work, however, became “protective” work. With labor disputes often turning violent, several states had enacted laws to give businesses the authority to create or rent police forces. Corporations desirous of ascertaining whether their employees are joining any secret labor organizations with a view of compelling terms from employers can [hire] a detective suitable to obtain this information. — Pinkerton advertisement, early 1890s The Pinkerton agency’s first foray into strikebreaking took place at an Illinois mine in 1866, during which it provided “guards” to “protect” replacement workers. An armed force would escort scabs into a factory, plant or mine, while armed watchmen in towers would intimidate strikers. Hundreds of strike-breaking operations were created during the 1870s, with some, such as the BaldwinFelts Agency, openly boasting about organizer harassment and other “labor discipline services.” Pinkerton, authored Strikers, Communists and Tramps. The title is quite telling, and in the pages of the book he defended the use of his agents as strikebreakers, arguing that it was an extension of his original property-safety business and that opposition to unionism was a good way to protect workers. Management vs. Labor “Tools” of Management “Tools” of Labor “scabs” boycotts P. R. campaign sympathy demonstrations Pinkertons lockout blacklisting yellow-dog contracts informational picketing closed shops court injunctions organized strikes open shop “wildcat” strikes A Striker Confronts a SCAB! Write a caption for this picture? Knights of Labor Terence V. Powderly “An injury to one is the concern of all!” Knights of Labor What is meant by the Knights of Labor Slogan? Knights of Labor trade card Goals of the Knights of Labor Eight-hour workday. Workers’ cooperatives. Worker-owned factories. Abolition of child and prison labor. Increased circulation of greenbacks. Equal pay for men and women. Safety codes in the workplace. Prohibition of contract foreign labor. Abolition of the National Bank. Labor Unrest: 1870-1900 What conclusions would you make based on this data shown on this map? The Great Railroad Strike of 1877 Why do you think railroads were a focus of strikes early on in the labor movement? The Great Railroad Strike of 1877 Based on this image what assumptions do you think readers had about the Railroad Strike? What leads you to make this conclusion? The Tournament of Today: A Set-to Between Labor and Monopoly Analyze this cartoon using your cartoon analysis questions Anarchists Meet on the Lake Front in 1886 Strikes by industrial workers were increasingly common in the United States in the 1880s, a time when working conditions often were dismal and dangerous, and wages were low. The American labor movement during this time also included a radical faction of socialists, communists and anarchists who believed the capitalist system should be dismantled because it exploited workers. A number of these labor radicals were immigrants, many of them from Germany. Haymarket Riot (1886) McCormick Harvesting Machine Co. The May 4, 1886, rally at Haymarket Square was organized by labor radicals to protest the killing and wounding of several workers by the Chicago police during a strike the day before at the McCormick Reaper Works. Haymarket Martyrs Toward the end of the Haymarket Square rally, a group of policemen arrived to disperse the crowd. As the police advanced, an individual who was never identified threw a bomb at them. The police and possibly some members of the crowd opened fire and chaos ensued. Seven police officers and at least one civilian died as a result of the violence that day, and an untold number of other people were injured. The riot set off a national wave of xenophobia, as scores of foreign-born radicals and labor organizers were rounded up by the police in Chicago and elsewhere. In August 1886, eight men, labeled as anarchists, were convicted in a sensational and controversial trial in which the jury was considered to be biased and no solid evidence was presented linking the defendants to the bombing. Judge Joseph E. Gary imposed the death sentence on seven of the men, and the eighth was sentenced to 15 years in prison. On November 11, 1887, four of the men were hanged.Of the additional three who were sentenced to death, one committed suicide on the eve of his execution and the other two had their death sentences commuted to life in prison by Illinois Governor Richard J. Oglesby. The governor was reacting to widespread public questioning of their guilt, which later led his successor, Governor John P. Altgeld, to pardon the three activists still living in 1893.In the aftermath of the Haymarket Square Riot and subsequent trial and executions public opinion was divided. For some people, the events led to a heightened anti-labor sentiment, while others believed the men had been convicted unfairly and viewed them as martyrs. Governor John Peter Altgeld Analyze this cartoon using your cartoon analysis questions The American Federation of Labor: 1886 Keep it simple. That was the mantra of labor leader SAMUEL GOMPERS. He was a diehard capitalist and saw no need for a radical restructuring of America. Gompers quickly learned that the issues that workers cared about most deeply were personal. They wanted higher wages and better working conditions. These "BREAD AND BUTTER" issues would always unite the labor class. By keeping it simple, unions could avoid the pitfalls that had drawn the life from the National Labor Union and the Knights of Labor. In December of 1886, the same year the Knights of Labor was dealt its fatal blow at Haymarket Square, Gompers met with the leaders of other craft unions to form the AMERICAN FEDERATION OF LABOR. The A.F. of L. was a loose grouping of smaller craft unions, such as the masons' union, the hatmakers' union or Gompers's own cigarmakers' union. Every member of the A.F. of L. was therefore a skilled worker. Samuel Gompers How the AF of L Would Help the Workers Catered to the skilled worker. Represented workers in matters of national legislation. Maintained a national strike fund. Evangelized the cause of unionism. Prevented disputes among the many craft unions. Mediated disputes between management and labor. Pushed for closed shops. Homestead Steel Strike (1892) The Homestead strike, 1892, in Homestead, Pennsylvania, pitted one of the most powerful new corporations, Carnegie Steel Company, against the nation's strongest trade union, the Amalgamated Association of Iron and Steel Workers. An 1889 strike had won the steelworkers a favorable three-year contract; now Andrew Carnegie was determined to break the union. His plant manager, Henry Clay Frick, stepped up production demands, and when the union refused to accept the new conditions, Frick began locking the workers out of the plant; on July 2 all were discharged. The union, limited to skilled tradesmen, represented less than one-fifth of the thirtyeight hundred workers at the plant, but the rest voted overwhelmingly to join the strike. An advisory committee was formed, which directed the strike and soon took over the company town as well. Frick sent for three hundred Pinkerton guards, but when they arrived by barge on July 6 they were met by ten thousand strikers, many of them armed. After an all-day battle, the Pinkertons surrendered and were forced to run a gauntlet through the crowd. In all, nine strikers and seven Pinkertons were killed; many strikers and most of the remaining Pinkertons were injured, some seriously. Homestead Steel Works Homestead Steel Strike (1892) The sheriff, unable to recruit local residents against the strikers, appealed to Governor William Stone for support; eight thousand militia arrived on July 12. Gradually, under militia protection, strikebreakers got the plant running again. Frick's intransigence had won sympathy for the strikers, but an attempt on his life by anarchist Alexander Berkman on July 23 caused most of it to evaporate. Meanwhile, the corporation had more than a hundred strikers arrested, some of them for murder; though most were finally released, each case consumed much of the union's time, money, and energy. The strike lost momentum and ended on November 20, 1892. With the Amalgamated Association virtually destroyed, Carnegie Steel moved quickly to institute longer hours and lower wages. The Homestead strike inspired many workers, but it also underscored how difficult it was for any union to prevail against the combined power of the corporation and the government. The Amalgamated Association of Iron & Steel Workers Attempted Assassination! Henry Clay Frick Alexander Berkman Big Corporate Profits! What is this graph showing? What do you think laborers response would be to this information? A “Company Town”: Pullman, IL In 1879 Pullman followed closely the movement in New York to create model tenements that would offer working class families clean and ventilated room to reduce sickness and disease and promote good morals by inducing men to stay at home rather than escape to saloons. In return, investors would receive a reasonable 7% return. The idea that improving workers’ material conditions of life could be made compatible with the most efficient and economical business practices lay at the heart of Pullman’s plan in 1880 to build a model town south of Chicago. The town was intended neither as philanthropy or charity nor as a utopian experiment. It was an attempt to demonstrate that reform and uplift could be made a paying proposition, just as he had turned comfort, beauty, and luxury in railroad travel into a successful business enterprise. Pullman Cars With the same marketing flair that Pullman had used to drum up interest in his railroad cars, Pullman attracted visitors to his town. However many workers resented their inability to buy their homes, a limitation that Pullman adamantly retained. Pullman officials conducted periodic inspections of workers’ homes to make sure they were not damaged and that the town maintained a proper public image. Moreover, rent was higher in Pullman than elsewhere; in 1893 it comprised one-third rather than the more typical onefifth of a workers’ income. Despite its family-friendly image and the fact that a majority of its employees were relatively highly paid skilled workmen, the town as well as the company itself experienced a high degree of turnover. Only two-thirds of Pullman’s workers actually lived in the town and one-half of those were boarders. A Pullman porter According to one observer, “no one regards it as a real home.” The Pullman Strike of 1894 In 1893, because of a depression, factory wages at the company fell about twentyfive percent, but the rents George Pullman charged did not decrease. If a Pullman worker went into debt, it was taken from his paycheck. On May 11,1894, three thousand Pullman workers went on a "wildcat" strike, that is, without authorization of their union. Many of the strikers belonged to the American Railroad Union (ARU) founded by Eugene V. Debs. Debs, who was from Indiana, had moved to Chicago where he became a railroad fireman. He became aware of the working conditions of his fellow laborers. He saw men working for low wages, some of whom were injured or killed because of unsafe equipment. He was determined to make things better. On June 26, 1894, some ARU members refused to allow any train with a Pullman car to move, except those with mail cars. Debs did not want federal troops to get involved, and he knew that if the U.S. mail was tampered with, the troops would be there immediately. The railroads had formed an organization called the General Managers Association. They announced that no one could tell them whom to hire, whom to fire, or how they should pay their workers. The twenty-four railroads that were part of the General Managers Association immediately tried to end the strike. They announced that any switchman who refused to move rail cars would be fired. Debs's union announced that if a switchman was fired because he refused to move Pullman cars all the union members would walk off the job. By June 29, fifty thousand men had quit their jobs. Crowds of people who supported the strike began stopping trains. Soon there was no movement on the rails west of Chicago. In some places, fights broke out. President Grover Cleveland In order to break the strike, the railroads needed help from federal troops. Getting their assistance, however, was a difficult task. The railroads could only get help from federal troops if the President agreed. President Grover Cleveland said that he would only send the aid of government troops if a governor requested them. The governor of Illinois was John P. Altgeld. He did not want to request troops because he believed that workers should have the same rights as their bosses. These ideas made the General Managers Association uneasy. The railroad managers started flooding the newspapers with stories that made Debs's American Railroad Union seem like a violent and lawless gang and portrayed Eugene Debs as a radical. They claimed that unrest had always ended in violence and threatened that this strike would be the same. “If it takes the entire army and navy to deliver a postal card in Chicago, that card will be delivered!” The railroads began sending people to work on railroads as strike breakers or scabs. Attorney General Richard Olney supported the General Managers Association because he believed that the railroads had the right to do things their way, and if the workers disagreed with the treatment they were receiving, they could quit. The railroad workers there felt they were being discriminated against. Angry railroad workers began destroying the yards and burning anything that was flammable. Attorney General Olney requested President Cleveland to send federal troops into Chicago to break the strike. The Pullman Strike of 1894 Olney obtained an injunction from a federal court saying that the strike was illegal. When the strikers did not return to work the next day, President Cleveland sent federal troops into Chicago. This enraged strikers, and rioters began stopping trains, smashing switches, and, again, setting fire to anything that would burn. On July 7, another mob stopped soldiers escorting a train through the downtown Chicago area. Many people were killed or wounded from bullets. Debs realized that continuing the strike would be a lost cause because of the federal troops.Most railroad workers resumed their old jobs and received the same wages as before. Some workers were put on a blacklist, which meant that no railroad in the United States was allowed to hire them. Government by injunction! The Socialists Eugene V. Debs From his membership in the Brotherhood of Locomotive Firemen to his role co-founding the Industrial Workers of the World (the "wobblies"), Debs raised his voice in defense of the common man. Debs became a featured speaker for the Socialist Party, and ran for president in 1900 as their nominee. He lost, but continued to be the party’s candidate in several subsequent elections. “Big Bill” Haywood of the IWW Violence was justified to overthrow capitalism. One of the foremost labor radicals of the American West, "Big Bill" Haywood became a leading figure in labor activities across the United States. In 1884, Haywood became an underground miner at the Eagle Canyon mine in Nevada. He began his labor career as a founding member of a local chapter of the Western Federation of Miners (WFM), Haywood rose quickly in the union ranks, becoming secretary and president of his local, joining the national union's General Executive Board in 1900. Just as Haywood became one of the leaders of Western unions, labor relations in Colorado exploded into violence. Motivated largely by harsh working conditions the WFM launched a series of mining strikes in Colorado beginning in 1901. The next several years saw near warfare in Colorado's mining fields. International Workers of the World (“Wobblies”) The defeat of the strikes led Haywood to stress the need for "one big union" which could bring broader support to individual labor struggles; accordingly, in 1905 he played a key role in the founding of the Industrial Workers of the World (IWW), commonly referred to as "the Wobblies."The next year Haywood was charged with plotting the murder of a former Idaho governor. The jury acquitted Haywood, but businessmen and fellow labor leaders would continue to fear and even hate Haywood for his alleged endorsement of violence and sabotage. In 1915, he became the formal head of the IWW and helped to direct strikes from New Jersey to Washington State. I W W & the Internationale From 1905 to 1920, the IWW organized hundreds of thousands of workers in mines, lumberyards, farms and factories; it never had more than about 150,000 members at any one time, but over 3 million people joined at one time or another. The IWW was strongest in the West, where it organized women and men, African-Americans and whites, recent immigrants and nativeborn Americans into large industry-wide unions. Wobblies were explicit about their eventual goal of toppling capitalism, and many of their leaders, including Haywood, expressed open admiration for the young Soviet Union. Wobblies quickly became a part of the folklore of the West, celebrated for their staunch egalitarianism and no-holdsbarred style. The Hand That Will Rule the World One Big Union Mother Jones: “The Miner’s Angel” Mary Harris. Organizer for the United Mine Workers. Founded the Social Democratic Party in 1898. One of the founding members of the I. W. W. in 1905. In June 1897, after Mary addressed the railway union convention, she began to be referred to as "Mother" by the men of the union. The name stuck. That summer, when the 9,000-member Mine Workers called a nationwide strike of bituminous (soft coal) miners and tens of thousands of miners laid down their tools, Mary arrived in Pittsburgh to assist them. She became "Mother Jones" to millions of working men and women across the country for her efforts on behalf of the miners. Mother Jones was so effective the Mine Workers sent her into the coalfields to sign up miners with the union. She agitated in the anthracite fields of eastern Pennsylvania, the company towns of West Virginia and the harsh coal camps of Colorado. Nearly anywhere coal miners, textile workers or steelworkers were fighting to organize a union, Mother Jones was there. Mother Jones also was very concerned about child workers. During a silk strike in Philadelphia, 100,000 workers including 16,000 children left their jobs over a demand that their workweek be cut from 60 to 55 hours. To attract attention to the cause of abolishing child labor, in 1903, she led a children痴 march of 100 children from the textile mills of Philadelphia to New York City "to show the New York millionaires our grievances." She led the children all the way to President Theodore Roosevelt’s Long Island home. Lawrence, MA Strike: 1912 The Lawrence strike, one of the largest in United States history, became known as "the Bread and Roses Strike," after workers' protest signs that read, "We Want Bread, But Roses Too!" The strike, marked by violence, quickly gained national public attention and union support. At the time, the textile industry dominated the economy of Lawrence, Massachusetts. In 1912, the city's population was nearly 86,00060,000 of whom depended directly upon the payrolls of the textile mills. The wages for workers were poor, housing conditions overcrowded, and average life expectancy in Lawrence one of the lowest in the United States. Work in the mills was hard and dangerous for the largely immigrant population of workers, many of them children who started work at an early age. Lawrence, MA Strike: 1912 In 1911, the year before the strike, Massachusetts had passed a new law that was to take effect on January 1, 1912, that mandated the reduction of the maximum weekly work hours for women and children under 18 from 56 to 54 hours. On average, Lawrence workers earned a weekly wage of $8.76. Half of the striking workers were women and children who earned merely $6.00 per week. Lawrence's mill owners, including the largest, the American Woolen Company, responded to the law by reducing workers' wages by 3.5%, arguing that if workers' hours were to be decreased, then wages would have to fall in order to keep competitive with mills in New Hampshire, Vermont, and in the South, where wages were even lower. The “Bread & Roses” Strike DEMANDS: 15¢/hr. wage increase. Double pay for overtime. No discrimination against strikers. An end to “speed-up” on the assembly line. An end to discrimination against foreign immigrant workers. Lawrence, MA Strike: 1912 The Lawrence strike began with a walkout by workers on January 11, 1912. Workers cut threads, slashed power belts, and smashed windows to ensure that work could not continue. Over the course of the day, the number of protesters grew from a few hundred to nearly 10,000 men, women, and children. By the end of the ten-week strike, 23,000 workers had left their jobs. The strike received extensive press coverage, which resulted in an outpouring of support for workers and their families. Many supporters and witnesses testified before Congress during hearings held in early March, prompting President Taft to order an investigation of industrial conditions throughout the nation. Negotiation between government representatives, including the Massachusetts Bureau of Labor, and mill owners, concerned over the public reaction to the hearings, helped to bring the strike to an end. The American Woolen Company acceded to all the strikers' demands on March 12, 1912, and soon the rest of the Lawrence textile companies followed suit. Wages were raised for textile workers throughout New England. The “Formula” What does this “formula” mean? unions + violence + strikes + socialists + immigrants = anarchists Labor Union Membership What does this graph tell us about the labor movement? Why is this growth occurring in the United States? How would business leaders respond to this information? What does this graph say about the “promise” for laborers in the U.S.?