Transcript Presupposition Accommodation by Discourse Initial

International Conference on
Revisiting Japanese Modality
June 25, 2006
University of London, SOAS
Presupposition
Accommodation by Discourse
Initial Evidential Marker Mo
Sumiyo Nishiguchi
Stony Brook University
[email protected]
Abstract
1. A focus marker mo `also/even’can
associate with the whole proposition
(Numata 2000) and appear discourse
initially.
2. Mo triggers a set of stative propositions
similar to the asserted one as
presuppositions (cf. Shudo 2002).
The hearer accommodates the
informative presuppositions.
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3. This kind of mo is an evidential marker.
4. Mo is a modal morpheme of evidentiality
as well as speaker's sentiments.
5. Mo takes unaccusative predicates.
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6. Mo is a determiner which takes
presupposition in the restrictor and the
unaccusative predicates in the nuclear
scope.
7. Mo-p updates the information state.
8. The illocutionary force of mo-p is not only
to report (cf. Faller 2002) but to prompt
actions.
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1. Mo
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Mo1
Mo `also/even’ is a particle attached to
noun phrases in Japanese.
 Mo `also/even’ is a focus marker or a
quantifier-like-element (Kuroda1969).


Mo1 `also’
(1) Ken-mo ki-ta.
Ken-also
come-PAST
`Ken came, too'
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Mo2

Mo obtains the meaning of `even' when
the NP is focused (Watanabe 2004).
Mo2 `even’
(2) [Ken]F-mo ki-ta.

Ken-also
come-PAST
`Ken came, too'
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
The `even' mo forms NPIs with
indeterminates (wh-words) (Kuroda 1965;
Watanabe 2004; cf. Lahiri 1998):
(3) Dare-mo
ko-nai.
who-even
come-NEG
`Nobody comes'
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
Mo with minimum quantity serves as a
minimizer (Kato 1985):
(4) Hito-ri-mo
1-CL-even
ko-nai.
come-NEG
`Nobody comes'
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
Japanese grammarians have considered
mo polysemous (Sadanobu 1997):
i) also; ii) even; and, iii) attenuation
(Numata 1986) or admiration (Teramura
1991).
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Mo3
The meaning of the third mo is distinct
from the other two, `also’ and `even’.
 Mo can associate with the whole
proposition (Numata 1986, Numata 2000).

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Wide Scope and Sentence Focus
(5)
Yo-mo
hukete-ki-ta.
night-also
pass-come-PAST
Mo
neru-to
already
sleep-COMP do-will
shi-yo.
`It’s late. I will go to bed'
(5)’ LF: mo [yo-<mo> huke-ta]
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No Antecedent

This kind of mo does not need any
antecedent, such as ``x has become late,
and the night also grew late.''
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Sentence-Focus Structure
(Lambrecht 2002)
(6) a. Sentence: My CAR broke down.
b. Presupposition: ___
c. Assertion: `speaker’s car broke down’
d. Focus domain: `speaker’s car broke
down’
e. Focus: S
(Lambrecht 2002: 233)
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Moreover, Discourse Initial
This sentence focus mo is used discourse
initially:
(7) Haru-mo takenawa-ni nari-mashi-ta
spring-also
peak-GOAL
become-HON-PAST
`The spring has reached its peak'
(Numata2000: 172)
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on Revisiting Japanese
Modality, University of
London SOAS
Sumiyo Nishiguchi: Presupposition
Accommodation by Discourse Initial
Evidential Marker Mo
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What is the meaning of mo?
Mo3 has its distinct meaning since replacing mo3
with ga (nominative case) or wa (topic marker)
changes the meaning.
(8)a. Haru-mo
takenawa-ni nari-mashi-ta

spring-also
b. Haru-ga
C.
peak-GOAL
become-HON-PAST
takenawa-ni nari-mashi-ta.
spring-NOM
peak-LOC
become-HON-PAST
Haru-wa
takenawa-ni nari-mashi-ta.
spring-TOP
peak-LOC
become-HON-PAST
`The spring has reached its peak'
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Observations
Mo triggers presuppositions (section 2)
 Mo expresses sentimentality (section 3)

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2. Presupposition
Accommodation by
Mo
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
Numata argues that (7) either:
i) evokes other events relevant
to change of seasons; or,
ii) pretends the existence of
antecedents in order to give rise to
attenuating effect
(Numata1986, Numata2000)
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What does mo presuppose?

The speaker presupposes prior situations
e.g., cherry blossoms are blooming, the
leaves became green, and the weather
became warmer.
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(9) Yo-mo fukete-ki-ta. Mo neru-to shi-yo.
night-also
pass-ASP-PAST
already sleep-COMP do-will
`It’s late. I will go to bed'
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University of London SOAS
Sumiyo Nishiguchi: Presupposition
Accommodation by Discourse Initial
Evidential Marker Mo
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(10) Soto-mo
hiete-ki-ta.
outside-also
cold-ASP-PAST
`It has become cold outside'
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Conference on Revisiting
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University of London SOAS
Sumiyo Nishiguchi: Presupposition
Accommodation by Discourse Initial
Evidential Marker Mo
22
(11) Ko-no
saifu-mo
furuku-nat-ta.
this-GEN
wallet-also old-become-PAST
`This wallet has become old’
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(12) Tabi-mo owari-ni chikazuite-ki-ta.
trip-also
end-to
approach-ASP-PAST
`The trip is nearing the end‘
(13) Omae-mo aho-ya-na.
you-also
silly-be-EXC
`You are silly, I should say'
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(14) Yo-mo
sue-da.
world-also finale-be
`This is the end of the world’
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Mo is a presupposition trigger
(15) Mo {Yo-ga fuke-ta `it’s late’} ={It is dark,
It is past midnight, The neighbors turned
off their lights}
(16) Mo {Haru-ga takenawa-ni natta `spring
reached its peak'} = {Cherry blossoms are
blooming, It became warmer, The daylight
has become longer,...}
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(17) Mo {ko-no saifu-ga huruku-nat-ta}=
{It has been long since I got this, the
wallet looks worn and torn,…}
(18) Mo {tabi-ga owari-ni chikazui-ta}=
{the train is approaching the destination,
…}
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Presuppositions of Mo
When uttering mo-p discourse initially:
- Speaker acts as if presupposed preceding
events are part of the common ground (cf.
Stalnaker 1973, 1974)
- Speaker presupposes that the auditor will
be able to infer that it is presupposed.

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Presupposition Accommodation

Lewis (1979)
If a time t something is said that
requires presupposition P to be acceptable,
and if P is not presupposed just before t,
ceteris paribus and within certain limitspresupposition P comes into existence at t.
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
Mo-p triggers presupposition that are
propositions similar to p.
Eg.,Haru-mo takenawa-ni narimasita
`Spring has reached its peak’
presupposes
Cherry blossoms are blooming, it
became warmer,…
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
What does mo quantify over?
- Mo quantifies over unspecified events.
The presuppositions might differ
between the hearer and the speaker.
Japanese: cherry blossoms
Americans: longer daytime
- Mo quantifies over evidences.
- Mo quantifies over the near and similar
possible worlds.
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Comparative similarity (Lewis
1973)
SIMw is a function from propositions to propositions which
maps each p to the set of p-worlds similar to w.
(19)
(20)
(21)
SIMw p={w’∊p | w’is similar to w no less than any
other world in p}
≤⊆W×W, for w∊W,
u ≤w v iff u is more similar to or close to w than v
mo-p(w)=1 iff u∊p, v∊W s.t. u ≤w v & q(v)=1
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
The addressee supplements the
presupposed propositions into his
knowledge (presupposition
accommodation)
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
The hearer has not been (at least fully) aware of
the presupposed events until the speaker utters
mo-p.

When hearing p, the addressee recognizes the
evidence that the bag is torn or the spring has
reached its peak.
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Informative Presuppositions
(Stalnaker 1988)
Normally, presuppositions are not
informative.
 However, the presuppositions of mo-p are
informative.
 Mo-p updates the common ground. The
presuppositions of mo-p are added to the
hearer’s knowledge.

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Summary on Section 2:
Presupposition Accommodation
Mo triggers unspecified presuppositions
similar to the asserted proposition
 The hearer infers the likely resuppositions.

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3. Mo is an evidential
marker
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Mo is an Evidential Marker
Building on Numata's insight, I claim that
this kind of mo is an evidential marker.
 (7) is an utterance when speaker and
hearer have perceived evidence that
spring has reached its peak. [visual]

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(7) Haru-mo takenawa-ni nari-mashi-ta
spring-also
peak-GOAL
become-HON-PAST
`The spring has reached its peak'
(Numata2000: 172)
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International Conference
on Revisiting Japanese
Modality, University of
London SOAS
Sumiyo Nishiguchi: Presupposition
Accommodation by Discourse Initial
Evidential Marker Mo
39
What is evidentiality?



Evidentiality: the indication of speaker’s source
of information
A true evidential encodes a type of information
Scales:
i)Visual>auditory>other sensory>inference from
results>reasoning
ii) Direct>secondhand>thirdhand>hearsay/
folklore
(Faller 2002)
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(9) Yo-mo fukete-ki-ta. Mo neru-to shi-yo.
night-also pass-ASP-PAST
already sleep-COMP do-will
`It’s late. I will go to bed'
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Conference on Revisiting
Japanese Modality,
University of London SOAS
Sumiyo Nishiguchi: Presupposition
Accommodation by Discourse Initial
Evidential Marker Mo
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(9) would be uttered after the speaker had
a look at a clock. [direct visual evidence]
 (9) and (7) are reports based on direct
evidence, aimed to draw hearer's attention
to time or a season.

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(11) Ko-no
saifu-mo
huruku-nat-ta.
this-GEN
wallet-also old-become-PAST
`This wallet has become old’
[visual direct evidence]
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(12) Tabi-mo owari-ni chikazuite-ki-ta.
trip-mo
end-to
approach-ASP-PAST
`The trip is nearing the end’
[direct nonvisual evidence]
(13) Omae-mo
aho-ya-na.
you-mo
silly-be-EXC
`You are silly, I should say‘
[direct inferential evidence]
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
Then, mo is an evidential marker of
direct, mostly visual evidences.
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Evidential markers in Japanese

Aoki (1986)
so: hearsay
gar: hearsay and inferential form
rashi: circumstantial evidence or
gathered through sources other
than one’s own senses
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Epistemic must
Speaker believes must p based on
presently available evidence
(cf. Coates 1983, Woisetschlaeger
1985, on epistemic must)
(20) believe(speaker, must p)

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Conversational Backgrounds
(21) Modal base f (in view of the direct
evidences): must p
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4. Sentimentality
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Sentimental/Bouletic Modality
Not only being evidential, mo is an
expression of sentimental modality.
 While (7) demonstrates speaker's uplifted
sentiments, most of the evidential mo
sentences express speaker's negative
emotion.

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(11) Ko-no
this-GEN
saifu-mo
huruku-nat-ta.
wallet-also old-become-PAST
`This wallet has become old’
(9)
[sentiments]
Soto-mo
hiete-ki-ta.
outside-mo
cold-ASP-PAST
`It has become cold outside’
[negative]
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(12) Tabi-mo owari-ni chikazuite-ki-ta.
trip-mo
end-to
approach-ASP-PAST
`The trip is nearing the end’
[sentiments, negative]
(13) Omae-mo aho-ya-na.
you-mo
silly-be-EXC
`You are silly, I should say’
[sentiments]
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Ordering source (cf. Kratzer1991)
(22)Ordering source g (in view of what I
want): For all u, w, w’∊W, for any
g(u)⊆P(W):
w≤g(u)w’ iff
{p: p∊g(u) & w’∊p} ⊆{p:p∊g(u) and w ∊p}
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(23) ||mo-φ||(w) = 1 iff
for all u∊∩g(w) there is a v ∊∩g(w) such
that v≤g(w)u and for all z ∊∩g(w) : if z≤g(w)v,
then z∊||φ||.
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(24)
φ
g: ordering source – bouletic
MODAL
f: modal base – evidential modal
(cf. Kratzer 1991; von Fintel and Iatridou 2005)
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5. Unaccusativity
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Unaccusativity

All predicates with wide scope mo are unaccusative.
fukeru
`become late’
takenawa-ni naru
`reach its peak’
furuku naru
`become old’
owari-ni chikazuku
`near the end’
hiete kuru
`become cold’
aho-da
`be silly’
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No passive morpheme
(25) *Yo-ni
fuke-rare-ta.
night-DAT
grow late-PASS-PAST
(26) *Kono-kaban-ni
this-bag-DAT
(27) *Tabi-ni
trip-DAT
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furuku-nar-are-ta.
old-become-PASS-PAST
owari-ni chikazuk-are-ta.
end-LOC
near-PASS-PAST
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6. Generalized Quantifier
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Restrictive Quantification
Bouletic and evidential modal is the lexical
meaning of mo.
 Wide scope mo functions as a determiner
taking implicit presupposition in the
restrictor and overt stative or resultative
unaccusative predicates in the nuclear
scope.

(cf. Kratzer 1991; Berman 1991; von Fintel 1994)
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(28)
TP
Mo P
VP
Mo (MODALbouletic,evidential) presupposition
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(29)
TP
moP
mo
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TP
moP
T’
presupposition yo <mo>
VP
<yo> huke
Sumiyo Nishiguchi: Presupposition
Accommodation by Discourse Initial
T
ta
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Mo takes the propositions similar to p in
the restrictor.
 Mo takes the set of possible worlds in
which the presuppositions are true as a
restrictor.
(30)Mo (λw. SIMw(p))(λw. p(w))
=1 if there is w such that SIMw(p)=1
else 0.

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Kuroda (1986)
Mo is in COMP in Deep Structure:
(31) DS: Hanako-ga
odor-ta

shi mo
Hanako-NOM
dance-PAST
and also
Masao-ga
odor-ta
mo
Masao-NOM
dance-PAST
also
SS: Hanako-mo
odot-ta-shi
Hanako-also
dance-PAST and
Masao-mo
odot-ta.
Masao-also
dance-also do-PAST
`Hanako danced and Masao danced, too’
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7. CCP
and
Information Updates
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Context Change Potential
(development from Heim 1992)
(32) c+mo-p={(w,g) in c | p and
Believe(s+h,must(Know(s+h,p))) is true at (w,g)}
if there is q which is similar to, but not equal to p which is
true in c; otherwise, undefined,
where s is the speaker and h the hearer, g is the
assignment function and for M=Believe or Know,
M(a+b,p) is true at (w,g) iff for all u,
w(RM,a U RM,b)* u implies that p is true at (u,g)
((Rx U Ry) is the union of Rx and Ry, and (Rx)* is the
reflexive-transitive closure of Rx
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Information Update


Utterances with mo draws the hearer's attention
to the fact which the hearer had not been so
aware of, e.g., it’s late, or the spring reached its
peak,
On the other hand, the sentence without mo is a
statement of the fact and does not convey any
new information. p resides within the common
knowledge between the speaker and the hearer
(cf. Gronedijk and Stokhof 1991; Veltman 1996).
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Mo-p adds `I believe that we must know that
p’
(33) BELIEVE MUST KNOW (speaker and
hearer, p)
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8. Illocutionary Force
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Speech Act Function of Mo
Faller 2006: The illocutionary force of
Cusco Quechua reportative evidentials is
report
 The speech act functions of mo is to draw
attention of the hearer to the evidenced
fact that becomes a reason for the
following sentence and prompt actions.

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(34) Kane-mo morae-nakat-ta-shi kaer-o.
money-also receive-NEG-PAST-so return-will
`Having been given no money, let us go
home’
(35) Yo-mo huke-ta-kara ohiraki-ni shi-yo.
night-also pass-PAST-so finish-GOAL do-let’s
`It’s late. Let’s wrap up a party’
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(33) REPORT(Π1 ) Λ BECAUSE(Π1, Π2)
In the framework of SDRT
(Asher and Lascarides 2003)
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Conclusion
Mo is an evidence invoking marker
The hearer evokes evidence for p
and believes that p is necessarily true
Mo sentences are subjective.
Speaker feelings, often negative ones,
are expressed.
June 24, 2006 International
Conference on Revisiting
Japanese Modality,
Sumiyo Nishiguchi: Presupposition Accommodation by
Discourse Initial Evidential Marker Mo
73
Speaker Modality incorporated into
mo is a determiner which takes
implicit presuppositions in the
restrictor and the unaccusative VPs in
the nuclear scope
June 24, 2006 International
Conference on Revisiting
Japanese Modality,
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Discourse Initial Evidential Marker Mo
74
Wide scope taking mo triggers similar
propositions to p as presuppositions
The presuppositions are informative.
The hearer infers the missing
presuppositions from extra-linguistic
contexts, thus, accommodates
presuppositions
June 24, 2006 International
Conference on Revisiting
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Discourse Initial Evidential Marker Mo
75
Mo-p updates common ground
The illocutionary force of mo-p is to
give reasons for action.
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Conference on Revisiting
Japanese Modality,
Sumiyo Nishiguchi: Presupposition Accommodation by
Discourse Initial Evidential Marker Mo
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