Transcript A movement 3 Nov 2, 2012 – Day 27 Introduction to Syntax ANTH 3590/7590 Harry Howard Tulane University.

A movement 3
Nov 2, 2012 – Day 27
Introduction to Syntax
ANTH 3590/7590
Harry Howard
Tulane University
COURSE MANAGEMENT
11/02/12
http://www.tulane.edu/~howard/ANTH3590/
 We need to spend our $150 from the Provost’s
Undergraduate Activities Fund.

ANTH3590/7590, Harry Howard, Tulane
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Radford §6
ANTH3590/7590, Harry Howard, Tulane
A-MOVEMENT
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ANTH3590/7590, Harry Howard, Tulane
REVIEW
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FIRST PIECE OF EVIDENCE: A VP-INTERNAL
SUBJECT IN BELFAST ENGLISH THERE CLAUSES
(6.4)
CP
ANTH3590/7590, Harry Howard, Tulane
C
ø
TP
PRN
there
T’
T
should
VP
QP
some
students
V'
V
get
QP
ø distinctions
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SECOND PIECE OF EVIDENCE: SUBJECT IDIOMS
CAN BE INSERTED AS A UNIT INTO VP (6.12)
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CP
ANTH3590/7590, Harry Howard, Tulane
C
ø
TP
QP
all hell
T’
T
will
VP
QP
---------all hell
V'
V
break
AP
loose
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THIRD PIECE OF EVIDENCE: NEGATION
HAS SCOPE OVER A VP-INTERNAL SUBJECT
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CP
TP
QP
everyone
ANTH3590/7590, Harry Howard, Tulane
C
ø
T’
T
did
NegP
n’t
Neg'
VP
Neg
ø
QP
----------everyone
V'
V
finish
DetP
the assignment
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THEMATIC ROLE ASSIGNMENT BECOMES
LOCAL (WITHIN VP)
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CP
ANTH3590/7590, Harry Howard, Tulane
C
ø
TP
DP
the police
T’
T
will
VP
DP
-----------the
police
V assigns AGENT to its
external or secondmerged argument
V'
V
arrest
V assigns THEME to
its internal or firstmerged argument
DP
the suspect
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UNERGATIVE INTRANSITIVE VERBS HAVE
AGENT SUBJECTS
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CP
ANTH3590/7590, Harry Howard, Tulane
C
ø
TP
DP
the police
T’
T
will
VP
DP
-----------the
police
V assigns AGENT to its
external or secondmerged argument
V'
V
complain
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UNACCUSATIVE INTRANSITIVE VERBS
HAVE THEME SUBJECTS
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CP
TP
QP
several
complications
T’
T
could
VP
V assigns THEME to
its internal argument
V
arise
QP
several
-----------complications
-----------------
ANTH3590/7590, Harry Howard, Tulane
C
ø
10
PASSIVE AS UNACCUSATIVE (49)
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C
ø
TP
QP
several cases
T’
T
were
VP
V assigns THEME to
its internal argument
V
reported
QP
-------------------several cases
ANTH3590/7590, Harry Howard, Tulane
CP
11
PASSIVE WITH THERE AS
UNACCUSATIVE (48)
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C
ø
TP
PRN
there
T’
T
were
VP
V assigns THEME to
its internal argument
V
reported
QP
several cases
ANTH3590/7590, Harry Howard, Tulane
CP
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Additional evidence for the unaccusative
analysis of the passive
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Radford §6.6
ANTH3590/7590, Harry Howard, Tulane
PASSIVE PREDICATES
DISCONTINUOUS SPELLOUT OF THE
PASSIVE SUBJECT
ii.
= no evidence of any corruption was found no evidence of any
corruption
iii.
No evidence was found of any corruption. (50)
iv.
= no evidence was found no evidence of any corruption
CP
C
ø
TP
QP
no evidence
T’
T
was
VP
V
found
ANTH3590/7590, Harry Howard, Tulane
No evidence of any corruption was found.
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i.
V assigns THEME to its
internal argument
QP
---------------no evidence of any corruption
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Object idioms (inserted into V’)
C
ø
TP
QP
much
headway
T’
T
was
VP
ANTH3590/7590, Harry Howard, Tulane
CP
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51b) Little heed was paid to what he said.
52b) Due homage was paid to General Ghouly.
53b) Close tabs were kept on the CIA by the FBI.
V assigns THEME to
its internal argument
V
made
QP
much headway
------------------
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UTAH
Uniform Theta Assignment Hypothesis

ANTH3590/7590, Harry Howard, Tulane
Constituents which fulfill the same thematic role
with respect to a given predicate occupy the same
initial position in the syntax. (55)
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
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Radford §5.6
ANTH3590/7590, Harry Howard, Tulane
LONG-DISTANCE
PASSIVIZATION
INDUCTIVE INTRODUCTION
Some data

What was our hypothesis about infinitival
complements to believe?

They are TPs, not CPs (ECM)
ANTH3590/7590, Harry Howard, Tulane
56a) There are alleged to have been stolen a number of
portraits of the Queen.
56b) A number of portraits of the Queen are alleged to
have been stolen.
57a) There are believed to have occurred several riots.
57b) Several riots are believed to have occurred.
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
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LONG-DISTANCE THERE (59)
CP
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C
ø
TP
ANTH3590/7590, Harry Howard, Tulane
T’
PRN
there
T
are
VP
V
believed
TP
PRN
---------there
T’
T
to
AuxP
Aux
have
VP
V
occurred
V assigns THEME to
its internal argument
QP
several riots
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LONG-DISTANCE PASSIVIZATION (60)
CP
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C
ø
TP
ANTH3590/7590, Harry Howard, Tulane
QP
several riots
T’
T
are
VP
V
believed
TP
QP
several
riots
--------------------
T’
T
to
AuxP
Aux
have
VP
V
occurred
V assigns THEME to
its internal argument
QP
-------------------several riots
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Radford §6.8
ANTH3590/7590, Harry Howard, Tulane
RAISING
INDUCTIVE INTRODUCTION
It may appear that they have made remarkably
little progress on disarmament.
ii. They may appear to have made remarkably little
progress on disarmament.
iii. There may appear to have been made remarkably
little progress on disarmament. (cf. 67a)
iv. Remarkably little progress on disarmament may
appear to have been made. (cf. 67b)
i.
ANTH3590/7590, Harry Howard, Tulane
The following sentences reorganize Radford’s
data into the gradual reduction of a subordinate
CP to a TP, then to a passive TP with expletive
there, then to a passive TP without there:
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
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SUBORDINATE CP
CP
TP
PRN
it
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C
ø
T’
VP
V
appear
ANTH3590/7590, Harry Howard, Tulane
T
may
CP
C
that
TP
PRN
they
T’
T
Af
AuxP
Aux
have
VP
V assigns AGENT to its external argument
V’
PRN
they
------V
made
V assigns THEME
to its internal
argument
QP
little progress on disarmament
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SUBORDINATE TP WITH RAISING OF AGENT,
FIRST DRAFT
CP
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C
ø
TP
PRN
they
T
may
ANTH3590/7590, Harry Howard, Tulane
T’
VP
V
appear
TP
PRN
------they
T’
T
to
AuxP
Aux
have
VP
V assigns AGENT to its
external argument
V’
PRN
they
------V
made
V assigns THEME
to its internal argument 24
QP
little progress
on disarmament
PASSIVE SUBORDINATE TP WITH RAISING OF
EXPLETIVE THERE
CP
TP
PRN
there
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C
ø
T’
ANTH3590/7590, Harry Howard, Tulane
T
may
VP
V
appear
TP
PRN
------there
T’
T
to
AuxP
Aux
have
AuxP
Aux
been
VP
V
made
V assigns THEME
to its internal
argument
QP
little progress
on disarmament
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PASSIVE SUBORDINATE TP WITH RAISING OF
THEME, CF. (71)
CP
T’
T
may
ANTH3590/7590, Harry Howard, Tulane
QP
little progress on
disarmament
TP
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C
ø
VP
V
appear
QP
--------------------little progress on
--------------------disarmament
--
TP
T’
T
to
AuxP
Aux
have
AuxP
Aux
been
VP
V
made
V assigns THEME
to its internal
argument
QP
--------------------little progress
--------------------on disarmament
--
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MORE DATA
Raising of expletive there

CP vs. raising
68a) It would seem that Senator Slime has been lying to
Congress.
68b) Senator Slime would seem to have been lying to
Congress.
69a) It would appear that they have underestimated
her.
69b) They would appear to have underestimated her.
ANTH3590/7590, Harry Howard, Tulane
66a) There does seem to remain some hope of peace.
66b) Some hope of peace does seem to remain.
67a) There does appear to have been made remarkably
little progress on disarmament.
67b) Remarkably little progress on disarmament
appears to have been made.
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
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CONTROL PREDICATES
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Radford §6.9
ANTH3590/7590, Harry Howard, Tulane
COMPARING RAISING AND
CONTROL VS. RAISING PREDICATES
Don’t these two sentences look similar?

Four ways in which they are different.
1.Expletive there subjects:
84b) *There wanted to remain several unsolved mysteries.
84b) There seem to remain several unsolved mysteries.
cf other examples (54-7) p. 223
2.Subject idioms:
85a) ??Whenever they meet, all hell wants to break loose.
85a) Whenever they meet, all hell seems to break loose.
3.Synonymy under long-distance passivization:
87b) Mary wants to be helped by John.
87a) ≉ John wants to help Mary.
86b) Mary seems to have been helped by John.
86a) ≈ John seems to have helped Mary.
4.Restrictions on subject:
88) My {cat/!gesture} wants to be appreciated.
89) My {cat/gesture} seems to be appreciated.
ANTH3590/7590, Harry Howard, Tulane
72b) He does want to scare them.
72a) He does seem to scare them.
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Summary of the differences
Note that control is ‘normal’
Expletive there
subject
*
ok
Subject idiom
*
ok
Synonymy under
long-distance
passivization
*
ok
yes
no
Restrictions on
subject
ANTH3590/7590, Harry Howard, Tulane
Raising
(seem, be likely)
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Control
(want, be keen)
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EXPLANATION
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ANTH3590/7590, Harry Howard, Tulane
A control predicate like want assigns
EXPERIENCER to its specifier/external
argument and THEME to its
complement/internal argument. If clausal, the
complement is CP.
 A raising predicate like seem assigns no theta
role to its specifier/external argument and takes
a TP complement/internal argument.

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CP
CONTROL VERB WANT (78)
TP
C
ø
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PRN
he
T’
T
does
ANTH3590/7590, Harry Howard, Tulane
VP
V assigns EXPERIENCER to its specifier
PRN
----he
V'
V assigns THEME to its CP complement
V
want
CP
C
ø
TP
T’
PRN
PRO
T
to
VP
V assigns AGENT to its specifier
PRN
----PRO
V' V assigns THEME to its
complement
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V
scare
PRN
them
RAISING VERB SEEM (73)
CP
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C
ø
TP
ANTH3590/7590, Harry Howard, Tulane
PRN
he
T’
T
does
VP
V assigns THEME to its TP complement?
V
seem
TP
T’
PRN
----he
T
to
VP
V assigns AGENT to its specifier
PRN
----he
V'
V
scare
V assigns THEME to its complement
PRN
them
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Radford §6.10
ANTH3590/7590, Harry Howard, Tulane
SUMMARY
THE CONDITIONS
Only complements allow material to be extracted
from them (not specifiers or adjuncts).
Uniform theta marking hypothesis
 Attract closest condition
 Relativized minimality condition

ANTH3590/7590, Harry Howard, Tulane

11/03/10
Theta/θ criterion
 Predicate-internal theta-marking hypothesis
 Constraint on extraction domains

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Q8
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Exercises 6.1-2
ANTH3590/7590, Harry Howard, Tulane
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