Transcript Global Protests’ Active Audience Voices and their

A Cross-Working Group Initiative for a
Research Project
Initiated by
Miri Gal-Ezer, Department of Communication, Kinneret College on
the Sea of Galilee, Jordan Valley, Mobile Post, 15132. Israel.
[email protected] (WG3)
Hillel Nossek, School of Media Studies, College of Management
Academic Studies, Yitzhak Rabin Blvd. Rishon Lezion, 75190, Israel.
[email protected] (WG1)
Presented to the COST Meeting in Milan, Italy,
19-22 September 2012
"Where there are no men, be
thou a man" - Rabbi Hillel
The first page of "Rules for Radicals", Saul
Alinsky, 1972
Introduction
The context: Capitalism and Neo-Liberal Capitalism
The Contemporary Global Protests’ Wave
The main questions
Theoretical Framework
A. Radical Social Theories
B. Alternative, Radical and Citizen Media Theories
C. Public Radical Intellectuals - Life History and
Academic Activities
Research Questions
Why comparative cross national research is needed to
study the phenomenon
The goal of this cross-working group meeting is
to discuss, elaborate and plan a collective
research effort on the multifaceted phenomena
of ongoing global protests, which are spreading
through Europe too. These networked localnational, glocal and global offline and online
active audiences, "produsing" (produce & use)
their alternative, radical and citizen
multimedia, in democratic states, seem to set
challenges to audience research.
The Neo-liberal order
(Bourdieu, 1998; 1999; 2001; 2004; Bourdieu & Wacquant,
2001; Colander et al., 2009; Couldry, 2010; Harvey, 2005;
Milkman et al. 2011).
From 15 May 2011 onwards Spain's main cities' public squares were
occupied by protesters’ tents, creating "tent cities“.
In Tel-Aviv and throughout Israel, from 14th July 2011 onwards, huge
peaceful popular Israeli protests against the neo-liberal order - its main
slogan being "The People Demand Social Justice" - lasted through July
to October 2011.
On September 17, 2011, the "Occupy Wall Street" movement began
using Zuccotti Park as a campground and staging area for their
protests. Thus the tents were also used in the New York “Occupy Wall
Street” movement, extending further to other cities in the USA, Canada
and even Russia, with protests against Putin too.
On 15 October 2011 the Guardian online wrote: "'Occupy' anticapitalism protests spread around the world” [Title] [….]. Tens of
thousands went on the march in New York, London, Frankfurt,
Madrid, Rome, Sydney and Hong Kong as organisers aimed to "initiate
global change" against capitalism and austerity measures […]". (Adam
Gabbatt in New York, Mark Townsend and Lisa O'Carroll in London).
The main questions are:
Whether these phenomena create a new model of
interactive relations between the audience, the old
and the new media. In a way that is empowering
active social movements in a new mode of action
and media use?
Is this phenomenon a global, transnational or local
application of the same media is another relevant
question to start with. In other words : What is
local idiosyncratic and what is global?
Why did it happen in some countries and not in
others thought exposed and having access to the
same media technologies?
Saul Alinsky became one of the forefathers
and theorists of the begining and contemporary
critical social community work, particularly as
a result of his radical successful practice as a
"Community Organizer" in very deprived
communities, and his two canonic books which
were bestsellers not only for academics, but
primarily for the general public at the time of
publishing, and have a long-term appeal:
"Reveille for Radicals" (1946) and "Rules for
Radicals: A Political Primer for Practical
Radicals " (1971).
Pierre Bourdieu, (2001). The invisible hand of the powerful
(p.26-27). Firing Back: Against the Tyranny of the Market 2:
"One must bring (back) into action what is most European in the
European tradition, namely, a critical social movement, a movement of
social critique capable of effectively contesting the process of European
construction, that is, with enough intellectual and political forces to
produce real effects. The aim of such a critical offensive is not to void
the European project, to neutralize it, but on the contrary to radicalize
it and thereby to bring it closer to the citizens, particularly the youngest
among them who are often described as depoliticized when they are
merely disgusted with the politics that official politicians serve up,
disgusted with politics by and for politicians. We must restore meaning
to politics and to do this prepare projects for the future capable of
giving meaning to an economic and social world that has undergone
enormous transformations in recent years."(Bourdieu, 2001, p. 26-27,
italics in the original text).
Alternative Media
According to Atton & Hamilton, (2008) alternative
media have been characterised by their potential for
participation (p.135). In contrast to centralised
organisation and institutions owned by businesses
controlled by the elite and professional journalists,
alternative media offer possibilities for individuals and
groups to run their own media and create their own
content from the 'periphery' (Atton & Hamilton, 2008).
In other words, the aim of alternative media is to bring to
the democratic debate voices that the main stream
hegemonic media will not access, thus enriching and
improving the information flow and empowering
individuals and groups that are mute in the existing
system.
Radical Media
According to Rodriguez (2008): "'Radical media', the
term is used by communication scholars to refer to
information and communication technologies used by
radical media activists to bring about social change. In
this sense, the word “radical” means the expression of
ideas, opinions and options to reorganise society, that are
not sanctioned by the established social order".
Rodriguez (2008) maintains that the goal of radical media
is twofold. First, radical media express someone's intent
to critique, resist, and transform the establishment.
Second, radical media are used by activists to build
solidarity and support for their agendas. In this sense,
radical media promote a series of vertical and lateral
communication and information actions and messages.
Citizen Media
According to Rodriguez citizen media are independent
media that enable 'ordinary' citizens to become
politically empowered. Citizen media is about
representation of communities that are empowered by
the process of production, identity enhancement and
representation of themselves by themselves (Rodriguez,
2001).
Santana and Carpentier (2009) criticize the alternative
media concept as incomplete and suggest that another
model should be added to complete the theory - an
amalgamation of mainstream and alternative-radical
media. This process creates new relationships between
civil society, government and the business establishment,
which echoes the new active audience use of the media –
the rhizomatic approach or model that they base on
Deleuze and Guattari’s metaphor of the rhizome used
to refer to alternative media as rhizomatic media
(Santana and Carpentier, 2009).
The rhizomatic is closely related to the alternative, as it is
non-linear, anarchic and nomadic. "Unlike trees or their
roots, the rhizome connects any point to any other point"
( Deleuze and Guattari (1987: 19, as quoted by Santana
and Carpentier, 2009:3)
*
Manuel Castells – (Towards improved framework cont.)
The new digital horizontal communication of the network society
* Castells, as well as Alinsky and Bourdieu, emphasises the Janus character of
the new digital horizontal communication of the network society. He
highlights conflict between the power elites and the citizens.
* The protests' counter-powers are a new form of social change and alternative
politics, which have emerged by means of the new digital horizontal
communication of the network society, enabling new insurgent politics.
* Consequently, the public space is defined in the space of communication.
Since the holders of power identify this transformation, they reassert their
domination into the communication realm by new forms of monitoring of the
mass media.
* The dominant elites use various means of controlling, policing and framing
the newest form of communication space, in their power struggle to dictate
the national and global public spaces, and dominate the citizens’ minds
(Castells, 2007; 2012).
Manuel Castells
Saul Alinsky
Pierre Bourdieu
- Development and transformation of a group into a community,
public, audience, citizenry (Carpentier & Dahlgren, 2011; McQuail,
2010) - can the inner dynamics be identified?
- Local, glocal, national and global modes of advancement, functioning,
characteristics, and interrelations between national activists,
intellectuals, groups, organisations, movements communities and the
public.
- Interrelations and mutual negotiations face to face and the media
between protesters and state authorities; disputes and paradoxical
actions within the authorities (Castells, 2007; 2012).
- Protesters as "produsers" (Bruns in Siibak, 2009): The modes of
production of alternative media content on the web, Facebook, Twitter,
cellular phones, etc.
- Protesters as "produsers": modes of visibility at public spaces, media
images and media live video streams
- Coverage modes of the protests in the mainstream media, the national
and international media; possible modes of adaptation of the
protestors' alternative new media; the coverage influences and effects
about modes of protests.
In our view, while the first main question can
be answered country by country, there is no
way to answer the following questions without a
cross national coordinated research project:
Is this phenomenon a global, transnational or
local application of the same media? In other
words : What is local idiosyncratic and what is
global?
Why did it happen in some countries and not in
others though exposed and having access to the
same media technologies?