Transcript Slide 1

Internal Migration Flows and
Residential Segregation in
Northern Ireland: Relations,
Motivations and Geographical
Variations
Gemma Catney
PhD Research Student
Centre for Spatial Territorial Analysis and
Research (C-STAR)
School of Geography, Archaeology and
Palaeoecology (GAP)
Queen’s University, Belfast
3rd International Population Geographies Conference, Liverpool 2006
Residential Segregation in
Northern Ireland
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Religious residential segregation in
NI – media and academic research
New academic research pointing
towards residential segregation as
either decreasing or staying the
same
However, large geographic
variations, with some increases in
segregation in particular areas, and
persistence in others
But why?
Internal migration in Northern
Ireland
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In-situ growth vs. migration
Simpson (2004), in Urban Studies
Migration – reinforcement, erosion,
creation of residential segregation?
How far is community background
(area composition, etc.) important in
migration decision-making?
Under-explored and little understood
Presentation outline
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Methodology
Quantitative research
• Migration rates
• GWR
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Qualitative research
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Area selection
Interviews and focus groups
Cognitive mapping
2 case study areas
Summary and conclusions
Methodology
QUANTITATIVE
DATA SOURCES
Migration rates
Census of pop.
of NI (2001)
Geographically
weighted
regression
(GWR)
SI modelling
Census grid
square data
(1971-2001)
Residents
(movers and
non-movers)
Key informants
(community
reps, property
developers,
etc.)
Estate agents
QUALITATIVE
Semistructured
interviews
Focus groups
Cognitive
Mapping
Participant
observation
Migration rates
Inflow rate (per 1000 pop.)
Outflow rate (per 1000 pop.)
Migration by community
background
Catholic inflow over total inflow
Catholic outflow over total outflow
Geographically weighted
regression (GWR)
Catholic residential composition against Catholic
inflow, as proportion of total inflow (12km
bandwidth)
Summary
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Community background potentially
very significant
Suggests reinforcement of residential
segregation due to migration, in
some places
But, a complex picture…
Qualitative research
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Semi-structured interviews with:
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Focus groups (and cognitive mapping
exercise) with:
residents of case study areas (movers and
non-movers)
Also, participant observation with estate agencies
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residents of case study areas (movers and
non-movers)
key informants – property developers,
community representatives, etc.
Area selection
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Interviewing in 6 case study areas as a
basis for understanding case-specific and
general processes and trends
Areas controlled for by:
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Community background
Socioeconomic class (including tenure)
Location (inner city, middle city, suburban and nearrural)
A ‘representative’ sample according to
demographic composition of area
Case study areas
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A transect approach
South Belfast
Incorporates 6 areas with
aforementioned characteristics, plus
wider processes:
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Suburbanisation and counterurbanisation
Inner city residualisation
Inner city gentrification
Decentralisation of Protestant communities
Possible life-course characteristics
Transect: South Belfast
Outline: Interviews
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General context
2 case study areas:
• Middle city ‘mixed’ area
• Inner city Protestant community
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General / ‘universal’ trends
Area 1: Ballynafeigh
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Middle city, ‘mixed’ community
1990s – mixed, with a slight Protestant
majority
Present – mixed status under-threat, with
an increasing Catholic majority and
decreases in Protestants
Predominantly middle class
Becoming more affluent
Development – apartment blocks
(gentrifying)
Area 1: Ballynafeigh
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Recruitment: Community facilitator and
‘For Sale’ & ‘To Let’ signs
Recurring themes:
• Reputation as a mixed community important –
in-migration of couples in mixed marriages
• Graduates from the two universities (and some
current students)
• Starter homes for middle classes
• Familiarity – either student near by, grew up in
area, personal contacts
• Perception that it is becoming more Catholic
due to recent in-migration
Area 1: Ballynafeigh
• Some ‘cashing in’ on rising house prices and
selling up
• Out-migration (actual and hypothetical) tends
to be to suburbs and rural areas – growing
families wanting more quiet settings, a garden,
less desire to be so close to the city centre, etc.
• Area choice tends to be:
 middle class
 mixed (community background)
 generally would not consider homogenous
areas, but if would is always the ‘same side’ safety
Area 2: Donegall Pass
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Inner city Protestant (Loyalist) area
Predominantly working class
‘Typical’ of working class Protestant
communities – under threat, with a
loss of population
Lack of suitable housing (social)
Decline in services and amenities
Gentrified from all sides – feeling
‘squeezed’
Area 2: Donegall Pass
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Recruitment: Community facilitator,
focus groups and other contacts
Recurring themes:
• For most, want to stay – lots of intraarea movement
• Substantial out-migration due to
shortage of suitable housing (Housing
Executive)
• Some ‘cashing in’ on rising house prices
and selling up (mostly bought through
RTB)
Area 2: Donegall Pass
• But few choose to move if can stay – mostly
movement for space – migration a huge
event: “[Moving was] like a death in the
family…it was really really hard…still is”
(Protestant female, mid-40s)
• Retention of networks and contacts
• Movement tends to be highly segregated –
Protestants in, and movement out to
Protestant areas – same with hypothetical
area choice
• Reinforced by those selling homes – advice
to viewers
• Housing Executive area choice – both choice
and offered
General/ ‘universal’ trends
Reasons why move:
 Dissatisfaction with current area/ property
 More space
 Garden
 Closer to work
 Closer to sick/ elderly relative
 Health reasons
 ‘Up and out’
 Intimidation
General/ ‘universal’ trends
Factors considered when do move/ have
moved:
 Familiarity – family ties, friends, where
grew up, work, etc.
 Most search few areas and few properties
– fairly fixed ideas about ‘acceptable’ or
not
 Composition of the area (religion/
community background) a factor in most
individuals’ decisions:
• Fear / safety
• Sectarianism
General/ ‘universal’ trends
This may be overt:
“Completely Catholic areas. Because, I
mean, I wouldn’t get a chance to live in it”
(Protestant female, 40, Protestant area)
“I don’t think we would move into Loyalist
areas…I mean, it stands to sense”
(Catholic male, mid 20s, mixed area)
 Or less direct
 For those claiming religion was not an
issue, still had firm views about areas to
avoid – mainly highly segregated areas,
both Nationalist and Loyalist, regardless of
the religion of the interviewee
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General/ ‘universal’ trends
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Most tend to consider areas of same ‘type’
as those already in – e.g. residents of
working class areas choose working class
areas – familiarity, horizons, but also more
conscious – the ‘sense of community’.
However, for some, social aspirations
come to the fore
Areas selected tended to be similar for
individuals within each area
Some forced/ designed segregation – role
of institutions
Mapping exercise
‘Fixed’ views
reinforced in the
mapping
exercise:
 Area perceptions
and residential
desirability
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Summary
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Themes which are area/case-specific and
general
Reasons why people move tend to relate
to ‘usual’ factors, plus NI effect
Area selection (real and hypothetical):
• Familiarity
• Similar ‘types’, plus some aspirations
• Mixed, or ‘same side’
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Potential reinforcement of segregation
Conclusions
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Mixture of methods has led to a rich tapestry
Quantitative analysis points to a relationship
between migration and residential
segregation, although the picture is complex
Qualitative research shows that community
background has a strong influence, although
other factors are important
In addition to natural increase (in-situ
growth), spatial reorganisation of the
population is also having a major impact on
changes in segregation
Acknowledgements
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My supervisor, Dr Ian Shuttleworth, for his
comments and advice
The participants in my interviews and
focus groups
The community representatives, for their
insight, and assistance in recruitment
Department for Employment and Learning
(DEL), for funding
Contested Cities, Urban Universities (CU2)
research team and funding body
(European Programme Peace 2)