Transcript Slide 1

S.A context of local governance
Local Government in SA main characteristics:
 Enshrined in constitution as autonomous sphere
 Redefining geographical and administrative
boundaries to integrate the neglected areas
 Developmental government
 Cooperative government
S.A context of local governance
Developmental Government
The White Paper identifies four inter-related characteristics
of local government geared towards development:
Exercising municipal powers and functions in a manner
which maximises their impact on social development and
economic growth
Playing an integrating and co-ordinating role to ensure
alignment between public and private investment within the
municipal area democratising development,
Empowering the poor, and redistributing income and
opportunities in favour of the poor
building social conditions favourable to development
S.A context of local governance
Furthermore, local government is urged to focus on
development outcomes, such as:
 the provision of household infrastructure and
services
 the creation of liveable, integrated cities, towns, and
rural areas
 the promotion of local economic development
 community empowerment and redistribution
S.A context of local governance
 three approaches that can assist municipalities to
become more developmental:
 Integrated development planning, budgeting, and
performance monitoring
 Performance management
 Working with citizens and partners
Participation
Efficiency
Accountability
Equity
Rule of law
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Governance Matters
Principles of Good governance at
local level:
1. Effectiveness
2. Rule of Law
3. Accountability
4. Participation
5. Equity
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Assessing Governance Matters
If governance matters, than assessing
governance matters too, in order to:
1. Gain insight in overall performance
2. Benchmark against standards (= desired
situation) and peers
3. Identify areas for improvement
4. Define a plan of action
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LGB Objectives
The LGB translates a complex concept in locally
specific and easy to understand indicators
 It captures governance criteria and standards
 It enables to compare the quality of governance
in different situations
 It results in a plan of action to improve the
governance situation.
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Local Governance Index
Core model
Participation
Accountability
Rule of Law
Equity
Effectiveness
SA local model
Community
Dialogue
Transparency
Legal framework
Participation
Strategy
Control
Corruption
incidence
Community
involvement
Oversight role
Citizens rights
and duties
Service delivery
standards
Legal framework
Vision and plan
Access to Power
Financial
Management
Access to income
and services
HIV-AIDS strategy
Community safety
strategy
Data
Decision-making
Satisfaction of
service delivery
Leadership
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Advantages of LGB
Combines quantitative and qualitative data
Multi-stakeholder engagement  Dialogue
 Consensus-building
Awareness raising
Action-oriented and promotes advocacy
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Benchmarking (peers / time)
Sectoral application
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LGB average scores RSA 15 municipalities
70
50
Cllrs
40
Officials
30
CSO
20
Overall
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Scores
60
Governance indicators
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Structure
The following narrative reflects my limited understanding of
participatory governance at the local level in the South
African context.
The first part presents a birds-eye-view of the meaning and
practice of local participatory governance in the S.A. context,
the second part peers into the operations of ward committees,
and the latter offers some entry points for realising a more
inclusive and empowered form of participation.
Meaning of participatory governance
‘Participatory governance’ is described as ‘a regulatory
framework in which the task of running public affairs is
not solely entrusted to government and the public
administration, but involves co-operation between
state institutions and civil society groups.
In the South African context, the rationale advanced for
participatory governance is that it seeks to alter the
exclusionary nature of the apartheid development
planning paradigm by ensuring popular participation
in the design, planning and evaluation of development
programmes. Participatory governance thus serves to
broaden and deepen democracy by expanding the
range of citizens engaged in making or influencing
government decisions.
Legal support for public participation
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Section 152 (1) of the South African constitution enjoins local governments to
encourage the involvement of communities and community organisations in the
matters of local government. The Municipal System Act, 2000, section 16,
obliges municipalities to create an enabling environment for the local community to
participate in municipal affairs, integrated development planning, performance
management system, performance, etc.
The official meaning attached to these constitutional and legislative commitments to
participation is that local authorities need to facilitate consultation with their
communities. The narrow equation of participation with consultation is problematic
for the following reasons:
Local power-holders often regard ‘consultation’ as a legal compliance issue, treating its
form and content as secondary issues;
The beginning– and - ending points of consultation are not always clearly defined
which often opens it to manipulation by local-power-holders;
It lacks the power to insure that the views of grassroots citizens would indeed be
heeded by those in power.
Participation in consultation doesn’t equal participation in decision-making
A snapshot critique of the practice of participatory
local governance
Since 1994, a range of institutional mechanisms were established to foster a culture
of public participation in local governance processes, including Ward Committees,
Integrated Development Planning, Izimbizo (public gathering or meeting), Public
Hearings, etc. Most of these institutional mechanisms are premised on a top-down
participatory paradigm, and tend to privilege organised interest groups who
posses the necessary vocabulary and rhetoric that are endemic in state-provided
spaces of participation.
For example, in the case of IDPs, communities are often consulted on
predetermined development plans and budgets, whilst implementation and
performance assessments are regarded as official municipal competencies. The
IDP consultative process is tied to highly technical development interventions that
are impervious to the actual needs of grassroots citizens. Consequently, final IDP
documents do not always reflect the priorities and needs of communities. Citizens
are expected to be “grateful” for the delivery frameworks provided by officials and
technicians in municipal offices. In addition, communities often lack clear
information regarding IDP consultative processes, i.e., venue of meetings, draft
documentation, etc. Meanwhile, very little empirical evidence exists whether
Izimbizo (public gathering or meeting) enhance the participation of the poor.
Genuinely participatory public policy formulation is the outcome of contest
between contending positions which is resolved either by a compromise between
them or the ability of one view to gather majority support. There is no room for this
sort at izimbizo.
A snapshot critique of the practice of participatory
local governance
Interestingly, some empirical data indicates that participation seems to be
more successful when conducted on an ad hoc basis and where
engagements are going to where people live, i.e., roadshows on specific
issues. Also in cases where there are follow through on processes
(Barichievy, Piper & Parker, 2005).
Overall, the limited amount of empirical data of S.A.’s system of local
participatory governance intimates that state-provided or invited spaces of
citizenship participation have been unable to translate the expressed
political and legislative promises of public participation into genuine
citizens’ involvement in decisions regarding development policy and
practice. Politically, the South African system is rooted in the representative
system –decision-making resides within elected bodies-, and therefore do
not constitute any deliberate attempt to maximise popular influence in the
political process at a local level. Hence, at best, institutional participatory
mechanisms have yielded a modest reduction in democratic deficit. At
worst, their institutional design is an obstacle to the entrance of a popular
mass in democratic politics.
Establishment of ward committees
The establishment of ward committees is provided for in Chapter 4 of the
Municipal Structures Act (1998). According to the Act, ward committees
could be established in each ward of a Category A or Category B
municipality. Other key aspects of legislations include the Municipal
Systems Act (2000), which requires of municipalities to establish
appropriate mechanisms and procedures to enable community
participation in municipal affairs, and the Municipal Planning and
Performance Regulations (2001), which reinforces the provision for
community participation of the Systems Act, but beyond that, it also
adjures municipalities to establish alternative forums where no municipal
structures for community / public participation exist. These forums are
expected to be representative and enhance community participation in
IDP processes.
Role of ward committees
Ward committees are defined as important communicative channels for
informing municipalities about the needs, preferences and problems of
communities. They are mandated to facilitate substantive grass roots
participation in the development processes of municipalities, including the
Integrated Development Planning (IDP), budgeting and municipal
performance management processes. They are meant to be non-partisan
and advance the interests of the ward collectively.
Legally, ward committees have been assigned a limited advisory role
without any direct participation in decision-making processes
(Guidelines for the Establishment and Operation of Municipal Ward
Committees, 2005).
Gauging the ward committee
participatory process
Empirical evidence of the ward committee participatory process suggests a latent
discord between the rhetorical zeal for participation and existing practice. The
main concerns about the participatory process of ward committees pertain to
issues of access and voice, operational capacity and the relationship between the
municipal council and the ward committee.
Access and voice
Where ward committees are functional they remain under the influence of the
local party branch (or traditional leaders in rural areas). In this way, party
political influence not only impinges on the autonomy of ward committees, but
also serves to ostracize a repertoire of dissenting voices. Partisan ward
committees dominated by party political agendas are also less likely to hold party
elites and those in power accountable, and are often used to simply legitimate the
decisions of municipalities.
Gauging the ward committee
participatory process
Operational capacity
The functioning of ward committees is dependent on ward councilors. This is
because they are responsible for scheduling meetings, the agenda, the
information required by committee members and the type of information the
council requires from ward committees. Consequently, the inefficiencies and
incompetency of ward councilors in certain cases have a rippling effect on the
operations and effectiveness of ward committees. In addition, evidence
suggests that ward councilors wield enormous influence over the
composition/constitution of ward committees, and therefore contribute to the
exclusion of those voices that dissent with the dominant party agenda. For
example, in the case of ward committees in the Msunduzi municipality in
Pietermaritzburg/KZN, an ANC ward councilor amalgamated the ward
committee with the local ANC branch into a single committee of 26 members.
Meanwhile, IFP-associated ward committees were found to be extensions of the
local IFP branches (Piper and Deacon 2006).
Gauging the ward committee
participatory process
Relationship between municipal councils and ward committees
Ward committees are not institutionalized into municipal council
processes, and as a result lack institutional support of municipalities for
the training of ward councilors; the administration of ward committees,
etc. Meanwhile, case study data of ward committee operations reveals that
they lack influence in council decision-making processes, and that they
are not always brought up to speed with council deliberations. For
example, evidence by Steven Friedman of the Greater Johannesburg
Metro Council’s IDP consultative process, in 2005, indicates that two
thirds of municipal councils reported that ward committees had ‘no
powers’ and less than half- 47% claimed that committees affected council
decisions. More curiously, none of the Metro Council’s 109 ward
committees knew about the content of the draft IDP plan (Friedman
2005).
Proposals for inclusive and empowered participation at the local level
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One size doesn’t fit it all: need for an expanded notion of space, including both
invited spaces (state sanctioned spaces) and invented spaces (organic spaces
created by citizens), i.e. ward committees, rate payers associations, protest
actions, etc.
Participation should be considered more than just a compliance issue –
inherent political right of citizens.
Linking institutional design, political will and popular participation
An inclusive realm of civil society: the state needs to recognize all spaces of
citizenship participation
Alternative formulation of planning: Planning processes should include
ethnographic knowledge of citizens needs and priorities, and should reflect the
views of civil society actors in all spaces of citizenship participation
Innovative strategies are needed to inform people about the policies and
processes which they are invited to participate in. Here civil society advocacy
groupings have an important role to play. For example, through establishing
advocacy networks and working with grassroots movements, these groupings
can use their resources and expertise to inform grassroots communities of the
specifics of development policy debates.
From a research perspective, much more ethnographic knowledge is needed
about the operations of local institutional spaces and the patterns of citizenship
participation.