Transcript Covert Emotive Modality Is a Monster

Logic and Engineering of Natural Language Semantics 2006
Tower Hall Funabori, Tokyo, June 5-6, 2006
Covert Emotive Modality Is
a
Monster
Sumiyo Nishiguchi
Stony Brook University
Osaka University
[email protected]
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Abstract

It has been argued that attitude reports shift
reference of indexicals in the embedded
clauses in some languages (Schlenker 1999,
2003; Anand and Nevins 2004).

I argue that implicit speaker attitudes on
factive propositions are a context shifting
operator which changes context parameters.
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
I base my argument on the following three
mono-clausal constructions:
i) fake past
ii) fake present
iii) out-of-the-blue wide-scope taking
also/too
N.B. I adapt the term `fake' from Iatridou (2000).
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1. Fake past:
Surprise licenses non-past interpretations
of the past tense (Teramura 1984) with
negative presuppositions.
(1) Oh, it was here (all along).
(2) A, koko-ni {at-ta/#a-ru}
(Japanese)
Oh here-LOC
be-PAST/be-PRES
`Oh, it was/is here'
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2. Fake present:

Tense in narratives alternates between past and
present (Klein 1994; Teramura 1984, among others).

Alternation between past and present directs
readers to re-experience narratives (Soga 1983).
(3) Picchaa nage-ta.
Pitcher
throw-PAST
Oshii.
Auto.
sorry
out
Ut-ta.
Ichiro hashi-ru.
hit-PAST
Ichiro run-PRES
`The pitcher threw a ball. (Ichiro) hit it. Ichiro runs. Oh,
no. He is out.‘
(Japanese)
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3. Wide-scope taking discourse initial too/mo
Speaker's sentiments license wide-scope
focus particle mo ‘also/even’and too without
explicit antecedents.
(4)
It's nice here, too.
(5)
Yo-mo
huke-ta.
night-also
pass-PAST
(Japanese)
`It’s become late'
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What is a Monster?
Monster =Def an operator on character which is a
function from context to content/intension
Kaplan (1977): there is no monster
The indexicals, e.g., I, you, it; that, this; here,
now, tomorrow, do not change the references
Schlenker (1999,2003) All attitude predicates are
monsters
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Monster supporters:


Schlenker (1999,2003): Attitude verbs quantify over
contexts of thought or of speech. Attitude predicates
are monsters that shift the references of indexicals.
As evidence,
-Amharic first person pronoun shifts its reference
into third person under attitude verbs (Schlenker
1999, 2003).
Anand and Nevins (2004)
-In Zazaki, the verb vano (say) shifts indexicals
I, you, here and yesterday in its scope.
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Limited evidence for a monster

All supporting arguments for monsters
have been based on the indexical shift in
embedded context under attitude
predicates.
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Mono-clausal factive sentences
The three constructions discussed in this
paper are factive simple sentences, not
embedded under attitude predicates, but
temporal and world parameters shift.
 I argue that speaker's emotive/bouletic
(in view of what I want) and epistemic
speculative modality (in view of what I
know, Kratzer 1991) is a context shiftable
operator.

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
Surprise, empathy and sentimentality
affect temporal interpretations and
satisfy presuppositions.
(6) MODAL(||φ||<<tc, wc, ac>, <ti, wi>>)
=|| (||φ||<<ti, wc, ac>, <ti, wi>>
(t: time, w: world, a: speaker, c: context, i: index)
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Generalized quantifier
 Covert
modal functions as a determiner
taking negative presupposition in the
restrictor and overt predicate in the
nuclear scope (Kratzer 1991; Berman
1991; von Fintel 1994; Ippolito 2003).
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Organization of the paper
Sections 3 and 4 examine mono-clausal
fake past and fake present sentences
and show that modality distorts temporal
interpretation.
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Section 5 shows that emotive modality
accommodates the presupposition of too,
wide-scope taking mo/to/ye `also/too’
used out of the blue in Japanese, Korean
and Chinese.
 I argue that speaker‘s sentiments shift
contexts so that presuppositions are
satisfied.

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1. Fake Past
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
The past tense marker can receive non-past
interpretation when associated with discovery,
fulfillment of expectation, recalling of a plan
(Teramura 1984, among others) often as
exclamatives.
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Fake Past and Aktionsarten:
Fake Past of Discovery
English:
Stative predicates
(7) Oh, it was here (all along).
* Eventive predicates
(8) Oh, the bus {#came/is coming}.
(NB: The terminology `fake' is taken from
Iatridou (2000).)
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Japanese/Korean:
Stative predicates
(9) A,
koko-ni
Oh
here-LOC
at-ta/#a-ru. (Japanese)
be-PAST/be-PRES
`Oh, it was here‘
(10)Chek-i yogi iss-ot-ne. (Korean)
book-NOM
here be-PAST-EXC
`Oh, the was here'
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Eventive predicates:
(11) Basu-ga ki-ta. (Japanese)
bus-NOM
come-PAST
`The bus is coming‘
(12) Ya ush-la. (Russian)
I
go-PAST
`I am leaving‘
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The past tense refers to present,
not simple past
(13)# Oh, the book was here. But it is not
here anymore.
(14) # A, shinbun-ga
koko-ni at-ta.
Oh
newspaper-Nom
here-Loc be-Past
Demo ima-wa mo
nai.
but
Neg
now-Top already
`Oh, the newspaper was here. But
it's not here anymore'
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Fake past of remembrance
(15) What was your name? (Teramura 1982)
(16) Where did you live?
(17) Onamae-wa
nan-deshi-ta-ka.
Name-TOP
what-HON-PAST-Q
`What was your name ?’
(18) Osumai-wa dochira-deshi-ta-ka-ne.
residence-TOP where-HON-PAST-Q-PAR
`Where did you live?’
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Mismatched temporal
adverbials
Japanese:
(19) Asu-wa
Maria-no
tanjobi-dat-ta.
tomorrow-Top Maria-GEN
birthday-be-PAST
`Tomorrow is Maria's birthday‘
Mandarin:
(20) Mintian
you-le
tomorrow
have-PERF
`I had a party tomorrow'
English:
(21) There was a party tomorrow.
wanyan.
party
Antecedent of counterfactuals can (Ippolito 2003)
(22) If it rained tomorrow, I would go shopping.
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Then,


Tense is a shiftable indexical.
What shifts tense?
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Implicit attitude is a monsterous
function that changes a context
parameter
(23) fake(|| past φ||<tc, wc, ac, hc>, <ti,wi>)
=||past φ||<ti, wc, sc, hc>,<ti,wi>
(t=time, w=world, a=speaker, h=hearer,
c=context, i=index, ti < tc, c=<wc, tc, ac>, i=<wi,
ti>)
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
In the framework of the double index system
(Lewis 1980), the ordinary past tense
morphology shifts the temporal index into the
prior time:
||present φ|| ||<tc, wc, sc, hc>, <tc,wc>
||past φ||<tc, wc, sc, hc>, <ti,wi>
||past φ||=1 iff there is time ti prior to the
utterance time tc
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Fake tense operator:
(24) Where c=<wc, tc, ac>, i=<wi, ti>,
ti is prior to tc, c: Dc=Ds×De, s: Ds=Dw×Dt


Fake: ((c×s)→t) →((c×s)→t)

Fake (||φ||<c, i>)=1 iff ||φ||<c[ti/tc], i>=1
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Necessary condition for fake
past interpretation: surprise

Speaker's surprise due to negative
presupposition causes fake past
interpretation in simple sentences.
(25) (Nai-to omotte-i-ta-ra,)
at-ta.
NEG-COMP think-be-PAST-then be-PAST
`It was here (surprisingly).'
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Without surprise, the fake past interpretation
cannot be obtained.
 (1)-(22) would only refer to the past state or
events.
(26) Hon-ga
at-ta.

book-NOM
be-PAST
`The book was (=used to be) here’
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Or, the speaker’s expectation
is realized
(27) (Kuru-to omotte-i-ta basu-ga yappari)
ki-ta.
come-COMP think be-PAST bus-NOM as I expected come-PAST
`The bus is coming (as expected)’



The speaker doubted or has not been sure if p.
The common ground contains both p worlds and
non-p worlds
Fake past assertions disambiguates the actual
world (cf. Stalnaker 2004)
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The data set is incomplete before
the utterance (Veltman 1981)

The speaker does not know enough data but
expects that ``the book is not here’’ ``the bus
is coming’’ ``tomorrow is not Mary’s
birthday’’

The data set becomes complete by seeing
the facts or remembering the facts
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Exp: Expectation function based on the
available data
(28) Expa(wi)(ti)||φ||wi,tiΛExpa(wc)(tc)||φ||wc,tc
ΛKnowa (wc)(tc)||φ||wc,tc
(29) Expa(wi)(ti)||~φ||wi,tiΛExpa(wc)(tc)||φ||wc,tc
ΛKnowa(wc)(tc)||φ||wc,tc
(ti<tc, tc: utterance time, wc: actual world)
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Unaccusativity:
Verb Classes of Fake Past

Fake past predicates are mostly limited to
unaccusative verbs such as be, exist, and
come (cf. Kusumoto 2001; Ogihara 2004 for
relative clauses).
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Unaccusativity test
VP internal numerals associate with the
surface subject (Miyagawa 2004):
(30)Honi-ga [VPtsukue-no ue-ni ti ni-satsu at]-ta.

book-NOM
desk-GEN
up-LOC 2-CL
be-PAST
`There were two books on the desk’
(31)Basu-ga [VP ekimae-ni ti
ni-dai ki]-ta.
bus-NOM
station-front-LOC
2-CL come-PAST
`Two buses came in front of the station’
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(32) A, warat-ta.
oh smile-Past
`Oh, (the baby) is smiling’
(32)’ A, [gakuseii-ga butai-de ti san-nin warat]-ta.
oh student-NOM stage-LOC 3-CL
smile-PAST
`Oh, the three students laughed on the stage’
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(33) Shimat-t-a.
close-PAST-be
`Oh, no‘
(33)’ *Gakuseii-ga mae-de ti san-nin shimat-ta.
student-NOM front-LOC
3-CL
close-PAST
`The three students made a mistake in front’
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Adjectives (Individual-Level)
(34) Yo-kat-ta.
good-be-PAST
`Thanks goodness' (when a lost wallet was
returned with money)
(35) (While I expected it to be blue) Kiiro-kat-ta.
yellow-be-PAST
`It is yellow'
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Conversational Backgrounds:
1. Speculative epistemic necessity/possibility:
must/probably/might ¬φ
2. Stereotypical conversational background (in view of
the normal course of events)
For all w, w’∊W, for any A⊆P(W): w≤Aw’iff {p:p∊A
and w’ ∊p} ⊆{p:p∊A and w ∊p} (Kratzer1991)
3. Bouletic modality (in view of what I want):
φworlds are ranked higher than ¬ φ worlds
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


Modal base f: in view of the what I know:
(c×s)→((c×s)→ t )→ t)
Ordering source g: in view of normal course of
events
(c×s)→((c×s)→ t )→ t)
Ordering source h: in view of what I want:
(c×s)→((c×s)→t )→t)
Where Ds=Dw×Dt, Dc=Ds×De
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φ
(36)
h: ordering source-bouletic
g: ordering source - stereotypical
MODAL
f: modal base – speculative modal
(cf. Kratzer 1991; von Fintel and Iatridou 2005)
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(37) ||fake (past)|| (wc)(f)(g)(h)(||φ||)
1 if wcmaxg(wi)(f (wi) ) Λwcmaxh(wi)(f (wi) ) :
||φ||(wc)=1,
||past||(wc)(f)(g)(||φ||), otherwise.
Where for a given strict partial order <p on worlds,
define the selection function maxp that selects the
set of <p -best worlds from any set X of worlds:
 X W: maxp(X)={wX: ¬ w'X: w'<p w}
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Restrictive quantification

Modal scopes over due to its quantificational force
(Lewis 1968, 1973; Kripke 1972). Modal takes the
presupposition as its restrictor, and the assertion in
its nuclear scope (Berman 1991; von Fintel 1994;
Heim 1982; Diesing 1992).
(38) MODAL
determiner
[λi. [|¬φ|]i]
restrictor
[λi.[|φ|]i]
nuclear scope
[surprisingly] [while expecting ¬φ ] [φ is true]
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Negative presupposition
as cataphora
(39)
MODAL P
MODAL
1
not it2
<MODAL>
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VP2
<not it2> bus
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2. Fake Present
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Narrative Present
 Narratives would freely alternate
tense between past and present when
storytelling as in (40) (Klein 1994;
Mikami 1953; Nara 2001, among
others).
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(40) Kocho-wa usuhige-no aru iro-no kuroi me-no okina
principal-TOP mustache-GEN be color-GEN black eye-GEN big
tanuki-no-yona otoko-de a-ru. Yani mottaibet-te-i-ta.
badger-GEN-like man-be-PRES Terribly pompous-bePAST
`The principal was a dark complexioned man, with a
whistery mustache and large eyes like a badger. He
was pompous.'
(Soseki Natsume, Bocchan, quoted from Nara
(2001), glossed by the author)
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 Fake present tense invites readers
into a depicted world so that the
reader experiences the story as if
present (Soga 1983).
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NARRATOR SAYS
function and empathy
 The proposition is embedded under
NARRATOR SAYS function which shifts the
context.
 It is the empathy of both writer and reader
which shifts the context parameter:
(41) NARRATOR SAYS(([|φ|]<tc, wc, sc, hc>, <ti, wi,
si, hi>)
=[|φ|] <ti, wi, si, hi> ,<ti, wi, si, hi>
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3. Discourse Initial too/mo
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Discourse Initial Too with Surprise
(42) He is nice. He is a linguist, too.
(43) It’s nice here, too.
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Wide-scope Mo `also/even’ in Japanese


Mo `also/too’, a focus marker or a quantifierlike element (Kuroda 1969) in Japanese, can
associate with the whole proposition (Numata
1986, 2000).
This mo takes wide scope over unaccusative
predicates out of the blue without explicit
antecedent that satisfies the presupposition.
For example, (44) is usable without particular
antecedent.
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(44) Yo-mo huke-ta.
night-also pass-Past
`It grew late‘
Semantically, mo takes wide scope.
LF: mo [ yo-<mo> huke-ta]
also night
pass-Past
`It grew late'
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About mo
A particle attached to noun phrases in
Japanese.
NP+mo1 `also’
(45) Ken-mo ki-ta.
Ken-also come-Past
`Ken came, too'} }
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Mo2 obtains the meaning of `even' when the NP is focused
(Watanabe 2004).
(46) [Ken]F-mo ki-ta
Ken-also come-Past
`Ken came, too'
The `even' mo2 forms NPIs with indeterminates (wh-words) (Kuroda
1965; Watanabe 2004; cf. Lahiri 1998):
(47) Dare-mo ko-nai.
who-mo & come-Neg
`Nobody comes'} }
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3
Mo
(48)Haru-mo takenawa-ni nari-mashi-ta.
spring-also peak-GOAL become-HON-PAST
`The spring has reached its peak'
(Numata 2000: 172)
(49) Ko-no saifu-mo huruku-nat-ta.
This-GEN wallet-also old-become-PAST
`This wallet has become old’
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


Mo evokes sentiments that a nominative case
marker ga would not.
In (48), the speaker feels pleasant to find that
spring has reached its peak.
In (49), the speaker feels touched to see her
worn bag, remembering the past. Covert
emotive, e.g., I’m glad that, happily, be touched
with or I regret, is a monsterous function which
satisfies the presupposition.
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Korean to `also/even’

Korean to `also/even' has similar usage.
(50) Pom-to
wat-ta.
spring-also
come-PAST
`Spring came' (That's why I'm so sad)
To `also/even' demonstrates speaker's attitudes.
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Sentence focus ye `also' in Mandarin
(51) Qiutian
ye lai-le.
fall
also come-PERF
(In view of the foregoing events) `Fall
came'
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
Numata (2000) claims that such mo (also/too)
attenuates the strength of assertion by giving
rise to fictitious presupposed events.
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Speaker sentimental modality shifts the
context

Speaker’s sentimental modality


licenses too/mo3/to/ye
shifts the context into a world in which the
presupposed events exist so that the
presuppositions of too/mo3/to/ye are
accommodated.
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(50) MODALemotive(|| mo-φ||<tc, wc, sc, hc>, <ti, wi, si, hi>)
=|| mo-φ|| <ti, wi, sc, hc> ,<ti, wi, si, hi>
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Unaccusativity

The predicates of this type of mo are either
unaccusative verbs with ta `PAST’, or
adjectives. E.g., huke-ta `have grown late’,
owari-ni chikazu-i-ta `have neared the end’,
takenawa-ni-naru `have reached the peak’,
iro-ase-ta `have faded the color.’
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Restrictive Quantification by Emotive
Modality


Modality functions as a determiner which takes negative
presupposition as the restrictor and the overt unaccusative VP in
the nuclear scope (cf. Heim 1982; Berman 1991; von Fintel
1994).
The negative counterpart is a copy of the overt proposition,
which is a sentential cataphora subordinated under negative
modality (cf. Roberts 1996).
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(51)
TP
MODAL P
VP
MODALbouletic presupposition
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
Modal also resembles psych-verbs such as
surprise or affect in the argument structure.
Emotive modal takes speaker as an
experiencer and the event as the theme.
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Speaker is an experiencer argument of
psych-verbs (cf. Belletti and Rizzi 1988)
(52)
FocP
mo
TP
DP
yo
T’
<mo> vP
speaker
v’
T
ta
v

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VP
e
NP
V
huke
Mo adjoins to TP via internal merge and reprojects into
the head of FocP (cf. Hornstein and Uriagereka 2002).
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Conclusion
The three constructions,
fake past
narrative present
discourse initial mo/too
discussed in this paper show that covert emotive
modality interacting with bouletic, epistemic and
circumstantial modality shifts context parameters in
simple sentence.
Surprise, empathy and sentimentality affect temporal
Sumiyo
Nishiguchi:presuppositions.
Covert Emotive
interpretations and
satisfy
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Conclusion
Implicit speaker attitudes shift context
parameters.
Modality shifts temporal interpretations, and
contexts in order to satisfy presuppositions of a
focus particle.
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