Transcript Slide 1

Immigrants Raising Citizens:
The Second Generation in the
First Years of Life
Hirokazu Yoshikawa,
Harvard Graduate School of Education
Baruch College, CUNY, April 2009
Thanks: Catherine Tamis-LeMonda, Ronit Kahana-Kalman,
CRCDE researchers at NYU and Harvard, and the NSF,
Russell Sage Foundation, and William T. Grant Foundation
Overview of Research Programs
• Impact on children of efforts to improve the quality of
early childhood care and education:
– Cluster-randomized trial in Chile (Fundacion Oportunidad)
– Regression-discontinuity study in Boston (IES)
– Meta-analysis of policies and programs across prenatal period to
age 5 (Buffett Early Childhood Fund)
• Parental employment and child development
– Low-wage workers in the US: welfare to work and antipoverty
experiments
– Parent work trajectories, parenting and child development in
urban China
• The development of young children in low-income
immigrant families
Overview
1) Undocumented Status: An understudied
factor in theories and studies of the second
generation
2) Description of study sample and methods
3) Tales of Fujian and Puebla – mechanisms of
how parent undocumented status could
affect child development
1) Undocumented Status: An understudied
factor in theories and studies of the
second generation?
2) Description of study sample and methods
3) Tales of Fujian and Puebla – different
mechanisms of how parent undocumented
status could affect child development
Demographic Overview
(Capps & Fix, 2005; Passel & Cohn, 2008)
• Estimated 11.9 million undocumented immigrants in the
U.S. in 2008; 30% of foreign-born
– 59% from Mexico
– 22% other Latin Am
– 12% Asia (principally China, India, Korea, Philippines)
• Of all Mexican foreign-born 56% are unauthorized; of
those in US for 10 years or less, 80-85%
• Of Mexican unauthorized, estimated 25%-40% visa
overstayers; rest (60%-75%) border crossers
• No clear path to citizenship (Motomura, 2006)
• Two-thirds of children of undocumented parents are U.S.born (i.e., citizen children in “mixed-status” families)
An overlooked factor in studies of the
second generation
• Assimilation theories and the 2nd generation –
citizenship and documentation part of theoretical
frameworks, but emphasis on peer effects,
community norms, neighborhood economic
opportunity, intergroup contact.
• Factors most studied in segmented assimilation
of 2nd generation not as relevant to 0 to 3.
• Transnational theories emphasize political,
institutional and network participation across
borders.
• Both sets of theories: little empirical work on
parent citizenship / documentation status and
development of the 2nd generation.
Undocumented status and recent waves of
immigration from Mexico and China in NY
• Mexicans from Puebla / Guerrero /
Mixteca region, Chinese from Fujian:
Relatively early in waves of immigration to
NY (Liang, 2001; Smith, 2006)
• Most have arrived in the last 10-15 years
• Numbers growing
• Relatively high rates of disadvantage,
undocumented status
Apparent reasons not to worry
about this group
• Recent immigrants: Lower levels of racial/ethnic
discrimination
• At school entry: MX and Asian children’s attentiveness
and persistence higher than other groups of similar
backgrounds; internalizing and externalizing no different
(Crosnoe, 2006)
• Our data:
– Mexicans: lower economic hardship than Dominicans, African
Americans
– Mexicans: higher system justification (perceived fairness of US
society as a whole) than African Americans or Dominicans
(Godfrey, 2008)
– Mexicans: US government more generous than MX re: children,
families
Reasons to worry about this group
• Non-citizens: higher food insecurity (Van Hook &
Balistreri, 2006; Kalil & Chen, 2008)
• Mexican children: low preschool enrollment (4-year olds:
55% in US vs. 80% in MX; Hernandez, Denton, &
Macartney, 2007; Yoshikawa et al., 2007)
• At school entry: MX’s lower on overall physical health,
math scores, controlling for SES indicators (Crosnoe,
2006); lower on reading scores (Han, 2006)
• Mexican adolescents: high dropout rates
• Chinese adolescents: lower self-esteem, higher
depression and social isolation relative to White, Black,
and Latino counterparts in urban multi-ethnic schools
(Fuligni; Qin, Way, & Mukherjee, 2008; Kao, 1999)
Early cognitive development
– MX children at 24 months: Lower than African
Americans on expressive language using Mullen
Scales; lower than Dominicans on MacArthur
Communication Inventory (each word asked in
Spanish and English; difference due to English
vocabulary of Dominican children); videotaped
language in process
– MX children at 36 months: Lower than African
Americans on expressive language (by .66 SD)
• Difference not explained by indicators of family structure,
mother / father education, employment, occupational
complexity; household earnings; # adults in household; #
children in household; child sex, birth order; language(s)
spoken at home
US frameworks of disadvantage
and poverty may be inadequate
• Traditional theories of disadvantage (povertybased) or discrimination: don’t measure
everyday experiences of incorporation or
exclusion (might not be accompanied by
perceptions of discrimination or exclusion)
• Social exclusion theory: A more promising
theory to inform research on this group (Alba,
2005; Burchardt, LeGrand, & Piachaud, 2002; Lenoir, 1974)
• Indicators of social marginalization and
disadvantage beyond poverty
Social exclusion is
distinct from poverty
• Social exclusion applied to civic membership:
• Low participation in and access to institutions
and resources driven by citizenship status
– Public – e.g., education, legal, health care, policy
– Private – social institutions, organizations, networks
• Not simply material disadvantage
• Overlooked in US work on poverty and children’s
development (Kamerman & Kahn, 2002;
Micklewright, 2002)
• EU: prominent in theory & policy (National Action
Plans Against Poverty and Social Exclusion)
Research Question
• What are everyday experiences as a
parent that might be associated with being
undocumented?
• Are parents’ everyday experiences of
being undocumented associated with very
early development, controlling for
indicators of SES?
1) Undocumented Status: An overlooked factor
in theories and studies of the second
generation?
2) Description of study sample and
methods
3) Tales of Fujian and Puebla – different
mechanisms of how parent undocumented
status could affect child development
Center for Research on Culture,
Development and Education
• Aim – How do family, peers, schools, and parental
employment influence child and adolescent development in
multiple ethnic and immigrant groups in New York City?
• 2 cohorts: birth (Tamis-LeMonda, Yoshikawa) and adolescent
(Hughes and Way)
• CRCDE birth cohort: 3 NYC hospitals serving Mexican,
Dominican, Chinese, & U.S.-born African American
• 374 mothers of newborn infants:
– 114 African American (100% 2nd+ generation)
– 113 Dominican (86% 1st generation)
– 93 Mexican (100% 1st generation): (MX births > DR births for
first time in NYC, 2000-2005)
– 54 Chinese (100% 1st generation)
CRCDE Birth Cohort Study:
Assessment Schedule
• Baseline interviews with mothers in
hospitals’ post-partum wards
• Phone interviews at 1 month and 6 months
• 14-, 24-, 36- and 52-mo home visits (2-3
hours): survey, videotaped observation of
mothers and children, direct child
assessment
CRCDE Qualitative Studies
(Yoshikawa, Chaudry, Torres, Rivera)
• Two studies (2003-2004 and 2005-2007):
• Study I (prior to larger cohort recruitment)
– Families with children between 9 and 36 months
• Study II: stratified random subsample of birth cohort
• Both studies:
– 7-10 visits total per family
– Study I: visits every 2-3 weeks
– Study II: visits every 8-10 wks (child 9 to 30 months)
– 6 semi-structured Interviews + participant observation
(all visits) with extensive field notes
– Transcription, translation
• Combined N: 11 Dominican, 13 Mexican, 5 Chinese
families
CRCDE Birth Cohort:
Likely variation in undocumented
status across groups
Chinese and Mexicans: Highest proportions
undocumented
Dominicans: Moderate proportion
African Americans: All U.S.-born
Today: focus on CH, MX
African Americans in
sample relative to African
American concentration,
2000 Census
Mexicans in sample
relative to Mexican
concentration, 2000
Census
Chinese in sample
relative to Chinese
concentration, 2000
Census
Dominicans in sample
relative to Dominican
concentration, 2000
Census
Puebla and Fujian
• Largest sending regions to New York City from MX and
CN
• Puebla – 7th highest in economic disadvantage among
31 states (2000 CONAPO index).
• Fujian – one of the wealthier provinces; increasing
inequality post-economic reforms (Liang, 2001)
• Both groups:
–
–
–
–
Relatively large proportions of undocumented
Recent increases (since early 1990’s) in emigration to NYC
Chain migration; international smuggling operations
Remittances and economic development in sending regions
• What about family life and implications for children’s
development?
1) Undocumented Status: An understudied
factor in theories and studies of the second
generation?
2) Description of study sample and methods
3) Tales of Fujian and Puebla – different
mechanisms of how parent
undocumented status could affect child
development
Ling
Ling and Guang
• Ling, late 30’s and husband Wei, also late 30’s
come to New York in late 1980’s
• Met in early 1980’s at a tire factory in Fujian
• Son: Guang, age 11 (2 younger kids as well)
• Family of farmers; “I had nothing to do in the
countryside.”
• $28,000 (now upwards of $60,000-80,000)
• Prayed to Stone Bamboo Mountain
• Hardships of early crossings: mountain crossing
to Thailand; thefts.
Guang to Fujian province
• Sent Guang back to China: 2 months to 4 years
• Remittances: ~ $1,500 a year.
• Ling: Separation is why Guang is less close to her and
husband than other 2 children.
• US preschool teacher - “Did your dad and mom treat
you nice?” “No – only my grandparents.”
• Age 4 “Old enough to study. And he can attend preK.”
• Theory of ability not effort: “I told my husband, I think
we don’t have the talent; we didn’t have people who
study in our last generation.”
• Used to send Guang to Chinese shadow schooling –
“But I am busy and sometimes lazy. I don’t think they
could learn much there.”
CRCDE rates of sending back to
home country in first 6 months
• Chinese:
• Dominican:
• Mexican:
72%
22%
1%
Reasons for sending home
90
80
70
60
50
40
30
20
10
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Percentage of Parents
Figure 1. Reasons for sending child back to home
country
Chinese
Dominican
Mexican
Changle County, Fujian
• Primary sending county to US (others JP, AU /
NZ, EU)
• Airport in Changle: No accident! (Liang, 2001)
• Hx of emigration: economic development post1978 tied to foreign trade
• Once chain migration starts, relative deprivation
drives emigration. Remittances, fancy apartment
buildings, returnees’ lavish spending
• Those with no interest in leaving – mei chu xi
[no great future]
Men who return
• Male marriage market advantages:
• Ling: “If they came back to the US and go
back to get married, if they choose, the
first ones they choose are very beautiful
women. So many women, they put the
women’s pictures there to let you choose.
So they all wanted to come to the U.S.
They almost all came. Like my family,
there’s only my mom there.”
Mei – later in wave of Fujianese migration
• Mei – arrival 10 yrs after Ling. Immediate family is almost
all in US.
• No extreme hardships, land crossings.
• Parents farmers too: “When I asked her about her
childhood she was ashamed and thought it worthless to
talk about it. Because there was nothing special. Without
toys she grew up hanging out with a group of children in
the village.”
• Life now in Fuzhou is so different – her cousin just had
a newborn girl. After the birth her cousin stopped
working. They hired a live-in nanny and bought their own
house. “With a good job life in China it’s really better than
here. You see we have to pay for such a living condition.”
Inscription on gate
• 日射晓露华光万道金世界
• 月临XXX 映照千里玉乾坤
• The Sun shines upon morning dews reflecting a
thousand rays in the gold world
• The Moon shines upon XXXX reflecting
thousands of miles in the jade universe
• 美籍华人杨业准献身敬建 2003年10月
• Donated and built by Chinese American Mr.
Yang Yezhun in October 2003
Consequences for children of
sending and return?
• Rong et al. (2007) Fuzhou Normal University: preschool
“sent-back” children raised by grandparents lower on
cognitive and socioemotional assessments than children
being raised by own parents.
• Why?
– Large generational differences in China: education, rural / urban
origins, human capital, wages.
– Implications for parenting practices (Rong et al. preschool feeding
story; Nanjing project)
– Possible implications for attachment
• Long-term implications for Fujianese-origin children
following returns to US unknown; reports of behavior
problems in NY Head Start
• Contributions to lower psychological well-being later in
life?
NYC contexts: Employment
• Parental Employment of undocumented Fujianese:
Nearly entirely restricted to restaurants
• Restaurant pathway to economic mobility for Fujianese:
– 70-80K monthly take (NYC)
– 60-70K start up for storefront restaurant, 400K for buffet
– “She told me every visit that one of her friends owns 3 buffet
restaurants and is thinking of opening a 4th.”
– Typically 12+ hours a day of work plus commute; 6 days a week
– Average work hours for Chinese (63.6) > MX > DR and AA
• Wage / hours violations extremely common (Ollie’s;
Saigon Grill; Silver Palace cases)
• Extremely high mobility across eastern U.S. –
snakeheads, E Broadway employment agencies.
• Network lending, but doesn’t want to participate in formal
lending pool: “but if someone runs away there goes the
organization.”
Yolanda
Yolanda
• Early 30’s, living in E Harlem, came 5 years ago
• Grew up in Puebla in a village outside city
• Oldest; received “order” from husband Horacio
(already in US) that he had arranged for her
crossing; came within a week. “I had no choice.”
• 3 children, Angel (3), Lucero (7), and Jorge (11),
one of whom (the middle one) is husband’s child
with another woman
Yolanda
• Horacio: Restaurant delivery, work-related injury – dream
to become a taxi driver – “doesn’t want his son now that
he is older to see him as his father who never amounted
to anything.”
• Drives friend’s gypsy cab but spends hours not picking up
customers. No access to taxi license in NY (SSN).
• Quits job to go to MD to find work – they give out drivers’
licenses there to undocumented?
• Horacio doesn’t want Yolanda to work more than P/T.
• She reaches a point in which “me empezo a pisar, y yo
saque las uñas.”
• Yolanda: Food Stamps for children but hides this from
Horacio; he’s “man enough” to provide for his family.
• US economic hardship driven by emergency remittance
needs in MX.
Yolanda
• Housing – ceiling of BR; trash cans.
• Rats, cockroaches and mold “no matter how
much she cleans and disinfects.” Repairs only
when building inspected.
• No quiet lighted place for studying in house –
Jorge and Lucero often get annoyed with Angel
because he gets in their way when they try to do
schoolwork.
• Sometimes when depressed wants to kill herself.
Yolanda and her Family:
Hypotheses
• Experiences associated with undocumented
status and child development?
– 1) Lack of access to resources requiring identification
– 2) Access to policy supports for children and families
and take-up of policies for which children eligible
– 3) Low quality and recourse in housing, work, and
other contexts
• Mechanisms of effects on young child
development – economic hardship; parent
psychological distress?
Access to institutional resources
that require identification
• Why are undocumented immigrant parents less
likely to take up conditional cash transfers /
formal job training?
– 1) Formal exclusion (cf. NC community colleges) but
also:
– 2) Avoid accessing resources that require identification
• Resources that require identification:
– Formal banking (checking account, savings account)
– Credit
– Drivers’ license
• Index measure
Do rates of access to resources
requiring identification differ?
Full
Sample
African
Mexicans Dominicans Americans
Percentage
Checking account
61%
37%
79%
66%
Savings account
56%
36%
73%
58%
Credit Card
46%
27%
63%
47%
Driver’s License
54%
31%
76%
51%
Conceptual Model: Access to
Resources Requiring Identification
Ethnic/
immigrant group
(Mexican 1stgen./
Dominican 1st gen./
AfAm U.S.-born);
Mexicans higher
rates of
undocumented
status than
Dominicans
Economic
hardship
Householdlevel
Access to
institutional
resources
Psychological
distress
Visual
reception
Fine Motor
Receptive
Language
Cognitive
stimulation
index
Expressive
Language
Figure 3. Institutional Resources Model: Full Sample.
Economic
hardship
(14 mos.)
Fit Statistics
2(51) = 58.86
NNFI = .97
CFI = .98
RMSEA = .022
(.000 to .043)
Dominican
(AfAm
reference
group)
Mexican
(AfAm
reference
group)
.14t
.46*
Economic
hardship
(24 mos.)
.22*
-.28*
-.20*
.19*
Institutional
resources
(14 mos.)
Psychological
distress
(14 mos.)
.75*
Psychological
distress
(24 mos.)
-.21*
-.20*
Daily cogstim
.49*
activities index
(14 mos.)
Notes: Paths in bold are statistically significant
Numbers in diagram are standardized path coefficients
Daily cogstim
activities index
(24 mos.)
-.28*
Mullen
Early
Learning
Composite
(24 mos.)
Figure 4. Institutional Resources Model: Mexicans and Dominicans
Economic
hardship
(14 mos.)
Fit Statistics
2(43) = 29.10
NNFI = 1.122
CFI = 1.00
RMSEA = .000
(.000 to .004)
.50*
Economic
hardship
(24 mos.)
-.37*
.18*
-.30*
Mexican
(Dominican
reference
group)
-.41*
Institutional
resources
(14 mos.)
Psychological
distress
(14 mos.)
.73*
Psychological
distress
(24 mos.)
-.20*
Daily cogstim
.43*
activities index
(14 mos.)
Notes: Paths in bold are statistically significant
Numbers in diagram are standardized path coefficients
Daily cogstim
activities index
(24 mos.)
-.25*
Mullen
Early
Learning
Composite
(24 mos.)
• Model fits equally well in each group,
suggesting that markers of social
exclusion may differ across groups, but
also have similar consequences within
groups
• 2) Access to Policies and take-up of
policies for which children are eligible
Immigrant parents’ NY eligibility
• No access to Medicaid for themselves
• No access to public housing
• Access to prenatal (and postnatal care up
to 6 weeks) in NY
• Access to emergency medical care for
themselves
Lower levels of take-up of policies for
which US-born children are eligible
• U.S.-born children are fully eligible (e.g., for
Food Stamps, TANF, CCDF child care
subsidies, Title I, well-child visits, etc.);
however, undocumented parents often do not
take up programs, policies for eligible children
(Capps et al., 2005; Matthews & Ewen, 2006)
• Low rates of use of Food Stamps, health
insurance coverage, TANF, relative to children of
citizen immigrant parents (Kalil & Chen, 2008, ECLS-K)
• Low rates of use of preschool education, relative
to children of native parents (Hernandez, Denton, &
Macartney, 2006)
Program Use at 14 months
(since child’s birth)
Full
Sample
Mexicans
Dominicans
African
Americans
WIC
98%
98%
100%
95%
Food Stamps
60%
59%
52%
69%
Child Care Subsidies*
21%
2%
17%
35%
TANF†
28%
12%
20%
46%
Public Housing/Section 8†
27%
15%
21%
39%
SSI
6%
7%
0%
11%
Unemployment Benefits
5%
0%
6%
6%
Percentage
* Racial/ethnic differences are significant across all groups.
† Mexicans and Dominicans significantly different from African Americans.
Reasons for low take-up of policies
and programs
• Fewer sources of information about policy
(Yoshikawa, Rivera, Chaudry & Tamis-LeMonda,
2005)
• MX’s: lower availability of multiple forms of social
support (child, financial, job related)
• Among MX’s lower social support predictive of
Food Stamp take-up (Little & Yoshikawa, 2007)
• Beliefs about consequences of program use
• Messages dissuading use from providers (given
complex public charge laws in uncertain policy
context)?
Beliefs re: Consequences
of Benefit Use
• Mexican families’ concern that their U.S.-born children
would be required to “pay back” the government for any
public aid they receive now
Mexican mother:
M: Ladies, like when I went to the park, they told me
[about welfare.] When [I] was not working, a PuertoRican lady told me that I should ask for that, that for
almost all the children, the ladies ask for that help. That I
should ask for that help, that the majority of people ask
for help, that children born here should. But my husband
doesn’t want to. I: And why doesn’t he want to?
M: He says no because, according to a guy who was
telling him that when they are older they send them
to war. And he wouldn’t like that for him [baby].
Because of the same, if the government helps us,
after, that is, they will force us to help. They count on
him, and that’s why he doesn’t want to.
Beliefs re: Negative Consequences
of Benefit Use
Mexican mother:
I tell you that as much as a girl wants to study [go to
university], that the government gives us the loan, so
that they can go to university…. And you say that
because of their work, or sometimes they [use benefits]
for everything. So if the person or the person’s mother
[takes advantage of this aid], then there isn’t much left
[for student loans] because it’s like their savings that
the government is going to lend them.
These kinds of beliefs also widespread among LPR
immigrant parents
• 4) Low quality and recourse in housing,
work, and other contexts
Housing Quality and
Undocumented Status?
• She says it makes it hard to get a lease; without a lease,
the super can neglect upkeep.
• The apartment building has been in horrible condition, and the
super does a very poor job of maintaining the place. The walls
are constantly being scratched at by rats. She has about three
holes that she covers up with glue traps so that the rats don’t
come in to their apartment. The kitchen sink was leaking
causing the wood from the cabinet underneath to rot. The toilet
in the bathroom was also loose and water would leak out from
the base, causing the bathroom to stink whenever they would
use it. Since bathroom is right next to the kitchen, this
especially bothered her.
• Child diagnosed with chronic respiratory condition at 12
months
Rates of overnight hospitalization,
0-24 mos, Mexican infants
(Holding & Yoshikawa, 2008)
20% of Mexican infants hospitalized
in the first 24 months; 46% of those
hospitalized: for respiratory
symptoms
National data (Harris, 1999; Mendoza & Dixon, 1999): Mexican young children
higher asthma than other groups; differences disappear by adolescence –
Hispanic Health and Nutrition Examination Survey
Work Quality
• Wage growth and returns to education: MX
documented > MX undocumented (Rivera-Batiz,
1999)
• Unsafe work conditions, payment problems, and
working without breaks: Latino undocumented >
Latino LPR (Mehta, Theodore, Mora, & Wade,
2002 Chicago study)
• Only 6% of immigrants experiencing unsafe
conditions reported them to OSHA due to fear of
employer reprisal or belief that it would not help
• In our sample: MX’s significantly lower levels of
occupational complexity than AA, DR, CH
Community Organizing?
• Distressingly, virtually no reports from our
ethnographic samples, despite immigration
policy debate
• Only link to organizing: CBO serving MX
community in E Harlem (1 mention in pilot
ethnography)
• Conflicting opinions re: 2006 immigration policy
debate: risk of being deported has increased;
now there’s hope of a path to citizenship
• Hospital-based birth cohort: lower rates of
organizing and resistance than prior studies of
undocumented immigrants sampled in other
ways? (e.g., Zlolniski, 2006)
In-process assessments to further explore
everyday experiences of undocumented status
• Housing problems and repair dynamics
• Likelihood of contacting authority figures in
situations of everyday injustice:
– Boss owes you money but refuses to pay you
– Experiences of discrimination towards self or child, in
work or school
– Someone cheated you in a service context
• Likelihood of hearing about organizing efforts in
situations of injustice
• With full qualitative analyses – more
comparisons of documented vs. undocumented
within group
Conclusion
Effects of parent undocumented status
on children?
• A potential additional explanation beyond poverty and
forms of capital for later disparities
• Exclusion might affect child development without a
pathway through parents’ perceptions of exclusion or
discrimination
• Chinese – potential effects on well-being through
separations and parental transitions in first years of life
• Mexicans – effects on early cognitive development
through economic hardship and higher parental distress,
perhaps affecting quality of parent-child interactions
• Other potential mechanisms – point in wave of
immigration – network characteristics (proportion of
undocumented adults / age / experience raising children;
support and investments in chidlren)
Questions / Next Steps
• Full qualitative sample analyses
• Growth curve analyses of child outcomes
and family processes (14, 24, 36 mos)
• More exploration of employment;
organizational / network data; and new
measures
Thanks
• Participating families
• National Science Foundation, Russell Sage Foundation,
William T. Grant Foundation
• PI’s Catherine Tamis-LeMonda, Ronit Kahana-Kalman,
Diane Hughes, Niobe Way
• ECC Team at NYU
• Field workers: Boon Ngeo, Qing Xue, Ximena Acevedo,
Gigliana Melzi, Margaret Caspe, Nia Ebon West-Bey,
Kimberly Torres, Hirokazu Yoshikawa, Ann C. Rivera,
Patricia Ruiz-Navarro, Frank Gaytan, Maria Reyes
Lopez, Maria Ramos Olazagasti, Ajay Chaudry,
Renelinda Arana, Monica Brannon, Erin B. Godfrey, Eva
Ruiz, Bronwyn Becker, Carolin Hagelskamp
Employment: MX
• Lowest occupational complexity
• Fathers – most common delivery or work in a restaurant
• Typically 12+ hours a week plus commute; 6 days a
week and sometimes 7 days a week
• Mothers – lower rates of employment
• Typical – garment; factory; housecleaning
• Wages at or near minimum wage
• Experiences of lacking English knowledge:
– Co-workers with English knowledge get easier more clerical
tasks mixed in (Elda packing boxes)
• 1 mother – worked for months in a home with her
employer calling her “Maria”