Is the OMC an Alternative to the Community Method?

Download Report

Transcript Is the OMC an Alternative to the Community Method?

Is the OMC an Alternative to
the Community Method?
Jonathan Zeitlin
University of Wisconsin-Madison
I. The OMC and
the Community Method
• Origins and definition
– Announced as a broadly applicable new governance
instrument for the EU at March 2000 Lisbon Summit
– Built on new Treaty-based policy coordination
processes introduced during the 1990s
• Broad Economic Policy Guidelines (BEPGs)
• European Employment Strategy (EES)
– OMC defined at Lisbon as a specific ensemble of
procedural elements involving iterative benchmarking
of national progress towards common European
objectives and organized mutual learning
• A 4-step governance architecture modeled on the EES
2
Diffusion and procedural variations
• Lisbon European Council authorized application
of OMC to a wide range of policy areas:
– Including R&D/innovation, information
society/eEurope, enterprise promotion, social
inclusion, education/training
– OMCs later introduced in other fields, e.g. pensions,
health care, youth policy, better regulation, culture
• Wide procedural variations
– Many new OMC processes did not include full Lisbon
governance architecture, but only fragmentary
elements (e.g. European Action Plans, objectives,
targets, scoreboards, indicators, peer review, etc.)
3
OMC as a new pathway for
European integration
• OMC explicitly conceived by its architects as a
new pathway for European integration
• Especially suited to complex, domestically
sensitive policy fields where there is a perceived
need for European action, but
– Treaty powers are weak, and the EU has limited
competences
– MS are reluctant to transfer new powers to the Union
– National diversity precludes harmonization
• A ‘third way’ between intergovernmentalism and
supranationalism (Larsson)
4
OMC as a threat to
the Community Method
• Rapid diffusion of OMC after Lisbon  widely voiced
concerns that such‘soft-law’ procedures represent a
threat to the CM
– Defined as binding legislation initiated by the Commission,
enacted by the Council and the Parliament, and enforceable by
the ECJ
• Has led to repeated demands that OMC should not be
used when legislative action under the CM is possible
– E.g. White Paper on Governance (2001), debate on
constitutionalization of OMC at Convention on the Future of
Europe, EP resolution on the use of ‘soft law’ instruments (2007)
5
Conflicting or complementary
approaches?
• OMC never intended to serve as sole
governance instrument for Lisbon Strategy
• Always supposed to be combined with full set of
EU policy tools (legislation, social dialogue,
Community Action Programs, structural funds)
• No evidence that OMC has displaced EU
legislation, even in the social policy field
– Rejection of Commission proposals for application of
OMC in immigration and asylum
6
Interpenetration of OMC and
Community instruments
• Often an ‘integral continuity’ between OMC
objectives/guidelines and legally binding norms
embodied in EU directives (Kilpatrick)
• Directives often include non-mandatory
recommendations which may be enacted into national
law (Falkner)
– Part-time work, parental leave, gender equality, disability rights,
occupational pensions
• Growing programmatic integration of structural funds
with OMC objectives (employment, social inclusion)
• Use of EU community action programs (now unified as
PROGRESS) to support participation by non-state and
local/regional actors in EES and social inclusion OMC
7
‘Hard’ vs. ‘soft’ law:
an elusive distinction
• ‘Hard-law’ directives increasingly incorporate
provisions for completion and periodic revision
through ‘soft-law’ OMC-style procedures
– Water Framework Directive (2000)
• Broad, open-ended goals: MS required to achieve ‘good
water status’ by 2015 through integrated basin management
• ‘Common Implementation Strategy’ for assisting MS in
achieving goals & reconciling diverse approaches
• Nested organization of EU, national, & non-state actors
• Regular reporting, monitoring, & evaluation of national plans
• Generates non-binding guidance documents, which can feed
into Commission legislative proposals & comitology decisions
8
OMC and
experimentalist governance
• OMC as one element in a larger architecture of
experimentalist governance in the EU, which is
transforming the ‘Community Method’
– Based on recursive processes of framework rule
making and revision in light of practical experience of
implementation in diverse contexts through networked
deliberation among European and national actors
• Diffusion across multiple policy areas
– Telecoms, energy, drug authorization, occupational
health & safety, environmental protection, food safety,
maritime safety, financial services, competition, state
aid, anti-discrimination, fundamental rights (+ others)
9
II. The OMC in Action
• Most widespread critique of OMC has focused less on
potential threat to the CM than on its limited
effectiveness & lack of impact on MS
• Much of this debate, both in academic and policy circles,
suffers from serious empirical deficits
– Reliance on narrow range of often outdated evidence/studies
– No systematic evaluation of OMC processes in mid-term review
of the Lisbon Strategy
• Compounded by methodological problems of assessing
the causal impact of an iterative policymaking process
based on collaboration between MS and EU institutions
without legally binding sanctions
10
Advancing the European knowledge
economy through OMC: a failure?
• Weak performance of innovation/information society
initiatives within Lisbon Strategy
– Lack of progress towards 3% R&D target
– Limited impact/visibility of eEurope policies
• ‘Lite’ OMC recipes and fragmentary architectures
– European Action Plans, objectives, targets, indicators,
benchmarking/scoreboards
– But no agreed National Action Plans, systematic
monitoring/reporting, peer review, or country-specific
recommendations; weak mutual learning mechanisms
– External evaluation (Tavistock Institute 2005):
OMC in these areas ‘cannot yet be said to be a success or
failure’: ‘simply has not been fully implemented’
11
The OMC in action:
employment and social inclusion
• Employment and social inclusion: most
fully developed and institutionalized OMC
processes
• Now a substantial body of empirical
research, based on both official and
independent sources
• Synthetic overviews in Zeitlin & Pochet
(2005); Heidenreich & Zeitlin (forthcoming)
12
OMC in employment and social
inclusion: a qualified success
• Improvements in EU employment performance
– Structural improvements, 1997-2001
– Slower but continuing progress, 2002-6
– But connections to EES complex and uncertain
• Substantive policy change
– Increased political salience & ambition of national
employment and social inclusion policies
– Broad shifts in nat’l policy thinking (cognitive shifts)
– Changes in national policy agendas (political shifts)
– Some influence on specific reforms/programs
(policy shifts)
– Two-way interaction between OMCs and national
policies rather than one-way impact
13
OMC in employment/inclusion:
a qualified success (2)
• Procedural shifts in governance/policymaking
– Horizontal integration across policy areas
– Improved statistical and steering capacity
– Vertical coordination between levels of governance
• Participation of non-state/subnational actors
– Particularly strong mobilization in social inclusion
– Uneven but growing participation in EES
– Social NGOs and local/regional authorities more
active than social partners
14
OMC in employment and inclusion:
a qualified success (3)
• Mutual learning
– Identification of common challenges and promising
policy approaches
– Enhanced awareness of policies, practices, and
problems in other MS
– Statistical harmonization and capacity building
– MS stimulated to rethink own approaches/practices,
as a result of comparisons with other countries and
ongoing obligations to re-evaluate national
performance against European objectives
15
OMC in employment
and inclusion: limitations
• Lack of openness and transparency
– Dominant role of bureaucratic actors in OMC
processes at both EU and national level
• Weak integration into national policy making
– NAPs as reports to EU rather than operational plans
– Low public awareness and media coverage
• Little bottom-up/horizontal policy learning
– Few examples of upwards knowledge transfer and
cross-national diffusion from innovative local practice
16
A reflexive reform strategy
• Overcome limitations of existing OMC processes
by applying method to its own procedures
– Benchmarking, peer review, monitoring, evaluation,
iterative redesign
• Ongoing reforms as evidence of practical
viability of this approach
– Strengthening of peer review/mutual learning
programs (EES, social protection/inclusion)
– Proposals by EU institutions for greater openness,
stakeholder participation, and ‘mainstreaming’ of
OMCs into domestic policy making (2003-6)
17