Extraposition - uni

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Extraposition from NP
Heike Walker
Georg-August University of Göttingen
CoGETI Workshop Heidelberg
24-25 November 2006
Overview
1.
2.
3.
4.
5.
Definition and Data
Syntactic Analyses
HPSG Analyses
Discourse Constraints
Conclusion
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1.
2.
3.
4.
5.
Definition and Data
Syntactic Analyses
HPSG Analyses
Discourse Constraints
Conclusion
3
Definition
Extraposition: a process by which an element
is moved to the right of, or subsequent to, its
canonical position.
Extraposition from NP: a process by which
an element is extraposed from an NP.
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Categorial restrictions
PP-Extraposition
(1)
(2)
A man appeared with green eyes.
I don‘t see much argument myself any longer against
differential rents. (Keller 1995)
Relative Clause Extraposition
(3)
A book appeared which was written by Chomsky. (Baltin 2001)
Sentential complements
(4)
Mary mentioned the claim yesterday that John is intelligent.
(Kiss 2002)
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The Position of Attachment of
the Extraposed Phrase
-
Syntactic tests (ellipsis, topicalization and
pseudoclefting of VP) reveal a subject-object
asymmetry of attachment sites
-
Phrase extraposed from object attached to VP
-
Phrase extraposed from subject attached to
VP or IP (Culicover&Rochemont 1990)
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Upward boundedness
(5)
*It was believed [S that John saw a picture _i in the
newspaper by everyone] [of his brother]i.
(6)
Whoi did Mary say [S that John saw a picture of _i
in the newspaper]?
(Culicover&Rochemont 1990,
24)
Ross (1967): Right Roof Constraint
An element cannot move rightward out of the clause
in which it originates.

Rightward movement more restricted than leftward
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movement
Insensitive to island constraints
(7)
A man came into the room [with blond hair].
(8)
*[With what color hair]i did a man _i come
into the room?
(Culicover&Rochemont 1990, 24)

Rightward movement less restricted than
leftward movement
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Extraposition and Topicalization
An extraposed relative clause cannot be related to a
topicalized phrase.
-
Antecedent contained in a topicalized VP:
(9)
-
a. John said he would meet a man at the party who was from
Philadelphia, and meet a man at the party who was from
Philadelphia he did.
b. *John said he would meet a man at the party who was
from Philadelphia, and meet a man at the party he did who
was from Philadelphia.
(Culicover&Rochemont 1990, 28)
Antecedent itself topicalized:
(10)
a. Micro brews that are located around the Bay Area, I like.
b. *Micro brews, I like that are located around the Bay Area.
(Kiss 2003)
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Frozenness to further extraction
No dislocation out of an extraposed phrase:
(11)
a. Whoi did you see a picture of _i in the newspaper?
b. *Whoi did you see a picture in the newspaper of _i?
But extraposition from wh-moved objects possible:
(12)
(13)
[Which book _j ]i did she write _i last year [that takes
only two hours to read]j?
[Which woman _j ]i did he meet _i yesterday [from the
south of France]j?
(Keller 1995)
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1.
2.
3.
4.
5.
Definition and Data
Syntactic Analyses
HPSG Analyses
Discourse Constraints
Conclusion
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Extraposition as a rightward
movement process
-
-
-
-
Extraposed phrase base-generated within
the NP
Movement to a position adjoined to IP or
VP
Extraposed phrase related to a gap within
the antecedent NP
How is this adjunction licensed?
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Baltin (1981): Generalized Subjacency
In the configuration A...[a...[b...B...]...]...A',
i. A' cannot be related to B where a and b
are maximal projections of any major
categories;
ii. A cannot be related to B where a and b
are drawn from the following list of
phrasal categories: (a) PP; (b) NP; (c) S
or S' or both, depending on the specific
language.
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Problems with Generalized Subjacency:
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Stipulation of the set of bounding nodes for
leftward movement
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Fails to block successive cyclic movement of
the extraposed phrase in a fashion exactly
parallel to wh-movement (Culicover&Rochemont
1990, 27)
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Violation of the principle in (14):
(14)
I saw it [PP in [NP a magazine _i ]] yesterday
[which was lying on the table]i. (Baltin 2001)
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Guéron (1980) and Guéron&May (1984)
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Extraposition as process of Move α, subject
to bounding conditions (e.g. Subjacency)
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Head-complement relation must be
satisfied at the level of logical form (LF):
The complement of X is a constituent
governed by X. (Guéron 1980, 642)
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Explanation of subject-object asymmetry
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Arguments against movement account:
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Unmotivated distinction between rightward
and leftward movement
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Coordinate structures:
(15)
A mani came in and a womanj went out whoi+j
know each other very well. (Culicover&Rochemont 1990,
45)
(16)
John saw a mani and Mary saw a womanj whoi+j
were wanted by the police. (Kiss 2002, 20n.)
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Base generation
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Extraposed phrase base-generated in its extraposed
position
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How is this position licensed?
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Culicover&Rochemont (1990): extraposed
complements related to their antecedents by a relation
of coindexing subject to the restrictions imposed by
the Complement Principle:
β is a potential complement of α (α,β=Xmax), only if α and
β are in a government relation.
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Problem: semantic relation between the extraposed
element and its antecedent
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1.
2.
3.
4.
5.
Definition and Data
Syntactic Analyses
HPSG Analyses
Discourse Constraints
Conclusion
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Keller (1995)
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Extraposition as a nonlocal dependency
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Nonlocal feature EXTRA to establish
connection between an extraposed element and
its antecedent
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Lexical rule removes complement from the
SUBCAT list and introduces it into the EXTRA
set:
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Keller (1995)
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-
Extraposed phrase is bound on top of a phrase that
introduces intervening material between the extraposed
constituent and its antecedent
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Feature PERIPHERY (PER), located under LOCAL
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A phrase that is extraposed from is marked [PER left] if
there is no material that could intervene between the
extraposed constituent and its antecedent.
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Otherwise it is [PER right] and EXTRA elements can be
bound on top of it.
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In case [PER left], the EXTRA element percolates up to
find a phrase with right periphery
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For English, all lexical entries marked [PER left]
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-
To implement the binding of extraposed
elements, an additional immediate dominance
schema is introduced
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Subtype of head-struc called head-extra-struc
bearing the feature EXTRA-DTRS (with a nonempty list of sign as its value)
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Head-Extra Schema
Keller (1995)
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Head daughter [PER right] since the binding of
extraposed phrases is only possible at the right
periphery of a phrase
-
Mother node [PER extra] to disallow adjuncts on top
of a head-extra structure (adjuncts specified as
[MOD|LOC|PER non-extra])
(17) *An entirely new band rings today, [several of whom
are members of the congregation] at Great
Torrington.
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[INHER|EXTRA { }] requires all members of
EXTRA to be bound at the same level; extraposed
elements originating from the same phrase are
sisters; ordered by LPCs
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(18) I don‘t see much argument myself any longer against
differential rents.
(Keller 1995)
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Kiss (2002, 2003)
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Relative Clause Extraposition
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A non-movement account
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Extraposition treated as an anaphoric process by
means of percolation of anchors to which the
relative clause is bound
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Basic idea expressed by the principle of
Generalized Modification:
The index of a modifying phrase has to be
identified with a suitable index contained in the
phrase to which the modifier is adjoined.
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-
Anchors are introduced by every NP (and VP) and
projected through the set-valued non-local feature
ANCHORS (contains INDEX and HANDLE
features)
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Projection governed by the Anchors Projection
Principle:
The anchors set of a headed phrase consists of the
union of the anchors set of the daughters less those
anchors that are specified as TO-BIND|ANCHORS
on the head daughter.
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-
The relative clause requires that the ANCHORS set of
its syntactic sister contains a member that is tokenidentical to the ANCHORS feature of the relative
clause
-
Upward boundedness is modelled by imposing
restrictions on the Head-Filler Schema and the HeadSpecifier Schema to the effect that all anchors of the
daughters are specified as TO-BIND|ANCHORS.
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Kiss (2003)
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1.
2.
3.
4.
5.
Definition and Data
Syntactic Analyses
HPSG Analyses
Discourse Constraints
Conclusion
30
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Certain sentences not acceptable in isolation
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Acceptability improved in an appropriate discourse
context:
(19)
a. A man arrived who wasn‘t wearing any clothes.
b. ??A man screamed who wasn‘t wearing any
clothes.
(20)
Suddenly there was the sound of lions growling.
Several women screamed. Then a man screamed
who was standing at the very edge of the crowd.
(Culicover&Rochemont 1990, 29 n.14)
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Verbs of appearance
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Guéron (1980): constraints on the level of LF interact
with pragmatic factors (rules of semantic interpretation
and discourse) to filter syntactic outputs
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„Ss which are unacceptable in isolation become
acceptable in a context in which the verb is pragmatically
emptied of all semantic content beyond that of
‚appearence in the world of the discourse‘.“
(Guéron 1980, 653-4)
(21)
(22)
a. A man appeared from India.
b. *A man died from India.
Several visitors from foreign countries died in the terrible
accident. A woman died from Peru and a man died from
India.
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Question Under Discussion (QUD)
Maynell (2003): Extraposition of restrictive relative
clauses from definite NP subjects
(23)
a. A cocktail waitress entered the dining room
who was wearing a blond wig.
b. ??The cocktail waitress entered the dining room
who was wearing a blond wig.
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(23b) usually viewed as ungrammatical or
unacceptable; ruled out by syntactic
constraints (cf. Guéron 1980, Guéron&May 1984)
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Maynell claims that the structure must be
allowable by any syntactic theory; its
acceptance depends on the relationship of
the information conveyed by the extraposed
phrase to the discourse context
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-
Definite NP can introduce new referents into
the discourse as long as these can be
accommodated and added to the common
ground of a discourse (part of the QUD)
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Predicate must be non-informative with
respect to the QUD
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Extraposed relative clause must match the
information status of its definite NP head
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Extraposed relative clause must provide new
information with respect to the immediate
QUD
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1.
2.
3.
4.
5.
Definition and Data
Syntactic Analyses
HPSG Analyses
Discourse Constraints
Conclusion
36
Conclusion
-
-
-
Syntactic, semantic and pragmatic factors
involved
My aim: to give an integrated approach to
Extraposition
Open questions
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References
Baltin, Mark R. (1981): Strict Bounding. In Carl Lee Baker, John J.
McCarthy, eds., The Logical Problem of Language Acquisition, Cambridge,
Massachusetts: MIT, 257-295.
Baltin, Mark R. (Draft of 2001): Extraposition, the Right Roof Constraint,
Result Clauses, Relative Clause Extraposition, and PP Extraposition.
(http://www.nyu.edu/gsas/dept/lingu/people/faculty/
baltin/papers/extrapos.pdf).
Culicover, Peter W., Michael S. Rochemont (1990): Extraposition and the
Complement Principle. In Linguistic Inquiry 21:1, 23-47.
Guéron, Jacqueline (1980): On the Syntax and Semantics of PP
Extraposition. In Linguistic Inquiry 11:4, 637-678.
Guéron, Jacqueline, Robert May (1984): Extraposition and Logical Form.
In Linguistic Inquiry 15:1, 1-31.
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Keller, Frank (1995): Towards an Account of Extraposition in HPSG. In
Proceedings of the 7th Conference of the European Chapter of the Association for
Computational Linguistics. Student Session. Dublin, 301-306.
(http://homepages.inf.ed.ac.uk/keller/papers/eacl95.pdf).
Kiss Tibor (2002): Semantic Constraints on Relative Clause Extraposition.
Forthcoming in Natural Language and Linguistic Theory.
(http://www.linguistics.ruhr-uni-bochum.de/~kiss/publications.html).
Kiss, Tibor (2003): Phrasal typology and the interaction of topicalization,
wh-movement, and extraposition. In Jong-Bok Kim, Stephen Wechsler,
eds., Proceedings of the 9th International Conference on Head-Driven Phrase
Structure Grammar, Stanford: CSLI, 109-128.
Maynell, Laurie A. (Draft of 2003): Discourse Constraints on Extraposition
from Definite NP Subjects in English.
(http://www.ling.ohio-state.edu/~maynell/papers/RelClause.Ex.pdf).
Ross, John Robert (1967): Constraints on Variables in Syntax. Doctoral
Dissertation. Reproduced by The Linguistics Club of Indiana
University, Fall 1968. (Reprinted [1986]: Infinite Syntax! Norwood, NJ:
Ablex.).
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