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Beyond assimilation: The Second
Generation in France
Patrick SIMON – INED
Visiting Scholar Russell Sage Foundation
Fulbright Fellow
Center for Immigration Studies, San Diego
University, La Jolla,
Wikileaks report
sensitive information from the US embassy about the
situation in France (post 2005 riots)
“The real problem is the failure of white and Christian
France to view their darker, Muslim compatriots as
real citizens. The cumulative effect has been the
creation of a generation of young males lacking
parental control and unequipped to secure and hold
a job, even if they could break through the formidable
barriers of prejudice faced by young Arabs and
young blacks in particular.”
Nov 9, 2005
Outline
The Background :
o integrationist paradigm and its crisis
o categorisation’s controversy : Second Generation, diversity
and colorblindness
o A rising concern for discrimination: policies and the
European agenda
The racialized society hypothesis: findings from the
TeO survey
o How to make a survey on discrimination in a colorblind
society?
o Residential segregation
o Access to labour market
o Self reported experience of discrimination
o Reactive identity
An old immigration country
Massive immigration begins at the end of the 19th Century (an
outlier in Europe)
Mostly neighboring migration (Germans, Swiss, Belgians,
Italians, Spaniards) and then Polish, Armenians and Russians …
What has happened to the “old second generation” of interwar
immigrants?
Post-colonial migration and the “new second generation” issue
A colorblind society?
The French ‘republican model of integration’ : the
powerful myth of ethnic undifferentiation
‘Ethno-cultural’ and ‘Racial’ issues are reframed
through the canonical ‘social question’ and, more
recently, the ‘urban crisis’ in the deprived
neighbourhood and social housing
Emergence of ‘diversity’ issues : the return of race?
o Discrimination challenging the Republican model
o Post-colonial debate and the legacy of slavery
o the November 2005 riots
The Integrationist Paradigm
Merging the immigrants in the French crucible
o Unity through uniformity
o Production of invisibility
“ Integration is a way to obtain the active participation to
society as a whole of all women and men who are lastingly
going to live on our land while overtly accepting that specific,
mostly cultural, features will be preserved and nevertheless
insisting on the similarities and the convergence, with equal
rights and duties for all in order to preserve the cohesion of
our social fabric. […] Integration considers that differences
are a part of a common project unlike either assimilation
which aims at suppressing differences, or indeed insertion
which establishes that their perpetuation is a guarantee for
protection.” (HCI, 1993)
The French Anti-discrimination Law and the EU
Race Directive (2000/43)
EU 2000 : “indirect discrimination shall be taken to
occur where an apparently neutral provision,
criterion or practice would put persons of a racial
or ethnic origin at a particular disadvantage
compared with other persons, unless that
provision, criterion or practice is objectively
justified by a legitimate aim and the means of
achieving that aim are appropriate and necessary.”
Transposed in French law in 2001, definition for
indirect discrimination included in 2008
Formal equality more than effective equality or
equity
Clash of conceptions between integration and
antidiscrimination: positive action is challenging
the strategy of color-blindness (undifferentiation)
Who are we talking about?
The problem with the categories
Categories in the Census since 1851 (and thus in
public debate and social science): Foreigners
(citizenship), immigrants (place of birth and
nationality)
A cleavage between the metropole (mainland
territory) and the colonial empire
In some surveys, place of birth and citizenship at
birth of parents have been introduced: “second
generation” (native born from immigrant parentage)
Census form 1901
US census (1900) : Race and nativity
Census form 2010
Census 2000 Question on Hispanic/Latino Origin
Census form Algerian territory (1931)
Official and semi-official categories (Algeria)
Let’s just see if ethnicity/race has an
impact on opportunities and outcomes
For this purpose, I use the TeO survey in which
“ethnicity” will be defined as the country of
birth/nationality at birth of the individual and of his/her
parents
Race will be defined indirectly by the racialization of
specific ethnic groups, i.e Arabs (north African mainly),
Sub-saharan African and DOM natives and 2nd
generation (Blacks) and Asians (South East Asians
mainly)
Trajectories and Origins
survey (TeO)
Population diversity in France
Population surveyed
Descendants
of immigrant(s)
N=8 200
12% of total pop°
« Mainstream
population »
N=3 800
76% of pop°
Around 22 000
respondents
18 to 60 years old
- Metropolitan France Immigrants
N=8 500
10% of pop°
Born in
Overseas
department
(DOM)
Descendants
Of DOM
native-born
N=1 400
2% of pop
Collecting data
From September 2008 to February 2009, nationwide
(metropolitan)
CAPI face to face itws, questionnaire lasting 66 minutes
on average
Translators required when needed (but not often)
25% of the sample have moved, 46% new addresses
have been retreived
21900 « long forms » and 3700 « short forms »
More than 500 interviewers
Success rate: 79%, but refusals quite low
Controversies that have an impact
on the research agenda
o A campaign against questions related to religion
and skin color
o Up to the Constitutional Council (11/2007) which
has stated that collecting data on race or ethnicity
is infringing article 1 of the Constitution
o Ambiguous decision which leads to interpretation
and opens the door for “subjective” or third party
racial classification
o Two questions on skin color have been deleted
What’s behind the fear of “ethnic statistics”
Extract from the petition from SOS Racism
“I refuse to be asked about the color of my skin, my
origin or my religion. (…) I refuse to have my identity
reduced to criteria from bygone eras, eras like the
French colonial period or Vichy. (…) I refuse that the
attention and investigation be focused on the victims
rather than the perpetrators of discrimination. The
required knowledge of the reality of discrimination
should be gathered by other means, for example,
through individual in situ investigations of racist
conduct.”
Why statistics a sensitive issue ?
Statistics make visible the invisible
Statistics reflect and emphasize the diversity of
the population : a threat to unity
Statistics bring bad news : the model of
integration is not successful anymore (and it may
never have been)
Statistics challenge the French political model of
“equality through uniformity”
Data collection for positive action rely on a huge
engineering of categories, questionnaire, files,
administrative regulations which bring race and
ethnicity at the heart of everyday life
Ethnic and racial classifications are reproducing
racists stereotypes and re-activating colonial
categories
Diversity in France
Immigrants
DOM native-born and
descendents
Descendents of 2
immigants
Descendents of mixed
parentage
Mainstream Population
, of which
Repatriates
French born abroad
Descendents of
repatriates
Descendents of French
born abroad
Mainstream Population
with no migrant
background
Total population
%
in thousands
10
2 719
2
455
6
1 591
6
1 488
76
20 397
0,5
1
180
391
3
849
2
470
70
18 559
100
26 651
Immigrants
2nd Generation mixed parentage
French born abroad
2nd Generation French born abroad
2nd Generation DOM
2nd Generation immigrant parentage
Repatriates
2nd Generation repatriates
Migrants from DOM
Mainstream population
Migrants and Second Generation
Immigrants count for 2.7 millions (10% of population aged 18-50)
and 5 millions for all ages
2nd Generation make up 3.1 millions (12% of 18-50)
South East Asia
Spain-Italy
Sahelian Africa
Turkey
Central Africa
Portugal
UE27
Algeria
Morocco-Tunisia
Other
0
200000
400000
Migrants
600000
800000
2nd Generation
1000000
37% of immigrants came as children
(before 16 years old)
UE27
Spain Italy
Portugal
Turkey
Immigrants
South East Asia
G1,5
Af Central
Af sahel
Mar-Tun
Algeria
0%
20%
40%
60%
80%
100%
48% of mixed parentage among the Second
Generation (18-50 years old)
Autres
EU27
Espagne-it
Portugal
Parents immigrés
Turquie
Parents mixtes
Asie
Af sub-sah
Maroc-tun
Algérie
0%
20%
40%
60%
80%
100%
Mainstream
population
Overseas
Dept
SE AsiaTurkeyPortugal
mixed
2 parents
immigrant
Morocco- Sahelian Central
Tunisia
Af
Af
mixed
2 parents
immigrant
mixed
2 parents
immigrant
Algeria
Spain-Italy
Social background of the family of the 2G
mixed
2 parents
immigrant
mixed
2 parents
immigrant
mixed
2 parents
immigrant
mixed
2 parents
immigrant
0%
20%
40%
60%
80%
100%
Independant
Executives
Intermediate
White and blue collars (skilled)
White and blue collars (Unskilled)
Where do they live?
Persisting segregation or residential
mobility?
Patterns of segregation
Recent studies on segregation using census data,
even if ethnic minorities are not identified
Ethnic segregation is higher than social class
segregation (Preteceille, 2009) and it has increased
between 1990 and 2000 (Safi, 2009)
Segregation patterns are different for European
immigrants (mostly less segregated and going
through a residential mobility process) and African
and Turkish minorities (highly segregated in social
housing and deprived neighborhoods)
Differential mobility trajectories between racialized
immigrants and mainstream population (including
non racialized immigrants) account for most of the
growth in dissimilarity indexes between the last
censuses (Pan-Ke-Shon, 2009)
Living in High concentration immigrant neighborhoods
Mainstream
DOM
UE27
Spain-Italy
Portugal
2nd Generation
Turkey
Migrants
South East Asia
Central Africa
Sahelian Africa
Morocco-Tunisia
Algeria
0
20
40
60
80
% living in neighborhoods in top decile of immigrant concentration
Living in Deprived Neighborhoods
Mainstream
DOM
UE27
Spain-Italy
Portugal
2nd Generation
Turkey
Migrants
South East Asia
Central Africa
Sahelian Africa
Morocco-Tunisia
Algeria
0
20
40
60
80
% living in neighborhoods from the top 2 deciles of unemployment rates
Relative risk of living in an immigrant segregated
neighborhood
Odds Ratio, control for gender, age, education, occupation, size of
metropolitan area and social background
DOM
UE27
Spain-Italy
Portugal
Turkey
2nd Generation
South East Asia
Migrants
Central Africa
Sahelian Africa
Morocco-Tunisia
Algeria
1
10
Relative risk to live in a deprived neighborhood
Odds Ratio, control for gender, age, education, occupation, size of
metropolitan area and social background
DOM
UE27
Spain-Italy
Portugal
Turkey
South East Asia
Central Africa
Sahelian Africa
Morocco-Tunisia
Algeria
0,1
1
10
2nd Generation
Migrants
Findings
Ethnicity matters: Maghrebians, Sub-Saharan African
are highly segregated in deprived neighborhoods
South Europeans and Asians have moved in more
mixed areas
French from Overseas Departements (DOM) are more
at risk of segregation than mainstream population
Second Generations are less segregated than
immigrants from the same ethnic background, but
are still very far from parity with mainstream
population
Significant differentials in the type of contacts with
the mainstream society and on opportunities on the
labor market
Labor Market
Unemployment rate, Immigrants
en % de la population active
0
5
10
15
20
25
30
Algérie
Maroc et Tunisie
Afrique subsaharienne
Asie du Sud-Est
Turquie
Portugal
Espagne et Italie
Ensemble des immigrés
Population majoritaire
Immigrés
Immigrées
35
Unemployment rate (Second Generation)
Population majoritaire
Espagne et Italie
Portugal
Turquie
Femmes
Asie du Sud-Est
Hommes
Afrique subsaharienne
Maroc et Tunisie
Algérie
DOM
0
10
20
30
40
Unemployment rate for men
Comparison between immigrants and 2nd Generation
en % de la population active
0
5
10
15
20
25
30
Algérie
Maroc et Tunisie
Afrique subsaharienne
Asie du Sud-Est
Turquie
Portugal
Espagne et Italie
Ens. Immi./Desc.
Population majoritaire
Immigrés
Descendants
35
Unemployment rate for women
Comparison between immigrants and 2nd Generation
en % de la population active 0
5
10
15
20
25
30
Algérie
Maroc et Tunisie
Afrique subsaharienne
Asie du Sud-Est
Turquie
Portugal
Espagne et Italie
Ens. Immi./Desc.
Population majoritaire
Immigrées
Descendantes
35
Unemployement rate Second generation by parentage
Spain-Italy
Portugal
Turkey
SE Asia
mixed
2 parents immigrant
Central Af
Sahelian Af
Morocco-Tunisia
Algeria
0
10
20
30
40
Relative risk of being unemployed
Odds Ratio, control for gender, age, education, occupation, size of
metropolitan area, religion, neighborhoods and social background
DOM
UE27
Spain-Italy
Portugal
Turkey
2nd Generation
South East Asia
Migrants
Central Africa
Sahelian Africa
Morocco-Tunisia
Algeria
0,1
1
10
Experience of discrimination
and racism
Self-reported experience of discrimination
Mainstream population
10
Immigrants
26,2
2nd Generation from immigrant parents
30,8
2nd Generation from mixed parentage
16,9
French Overseas Dept
Subsaharan Africa
Algeria
migrants
2nd Generation
Morocco-Tunisia
Turkey
South East Asia
Other countries
Portugal
Spain-Italy
EU27
0
10
20
30
40
50
60
Source : Trajectoires et Origines, INED-INSEE, 2008.
Champ : 18-50 years old.
Self-reported experience of discrimination
Odds ratio
High immigrant concentration
No religion
Christians
Jews
Muslims
Inactives
Students
Unemployed
Employed
University
High school
Low vocational
No diploma
46-50
36-45
26-35
17-25
Women
Men
0,1
1
10
Self-reported experience of discrimination: the impact
of ethnicity/race (odds ratio)
DOM
UE27
Spain-Italy
Portugal
Turkey
South East Asia
Central Africa
Sahelian Africa
Morocco-Tunisia
Algeria
0,1
1
10
2nd Generation
Migrants
Frenchness denied (othering)
UE27
Spain Italy
Portugal
Turkey
2nd generation
South East Asia
Migrants
Subsaharian Africa
Morocco Tunisia
Algeria
DOM
0
10
20
30
40
50
60
70
Question in the survey “People see me as a French person”
Answer: disagree and totally disagree
Source: Trajectories and Origins Survey, 2008-2009, INED and INSEE
80
Reactive identity and minorization
High level of “French” belongings among all Second
Generation (around 90%, with 2G Turks as outliers=
76%)
High level of multiple identities combining French
and ethnic origins: Hyphenated identities becoming a
norm which is not challenging participation to
society or “national identity”
But a feeling of not being accepted as full members
of the French society
Political alignment towards the left parties to
overcome stigmatization and achieving equality: fake
promises and disillusions are at stakes
Strong transmission of Muslim identity
Conclusions
Compared to their parents, 2nd Generations have higher
educational attainments, are less segregated but face more
severe gaps on the labor market
The broad categories of immigrants and 2nd generations cover
significant disparities between groups: Europeans vs Africans
(North and Sub-Saharan), Turks and Asians being outliers
Social and human capital explain a large share of the relative
underprivileged positions of the descendents of immigrants, but
there is still a significant impact of ethnicity/race
Invisible boundaries based on ethnicity and “race” are framing
social worlds and predict opportunities and outcomes
More than relying on individual or collective characteristics
attached to ethno-cultural specificities, trajectories are shaped
by prejudice and the experience of discriminations
Discussion
What kind of broad picture is supported by these
findings?
1. Same old story, the new second generation is going
through a process of assimilation and will overcome the
usual hostility against “newcomers”. The process is slower
because of the new economy and the changing institutional
context, but there is nothing new here.
•
OK, but why did not the European second generations undergo a
similar process in the interwar and immediate after WW2 periods?
2. Segmented assimilation: but to which native minorities
the “new second generation” is supposed to assimilate?
3. A process of “post-colonial racial formation”: a
“racialized” structure that will frame the future of the
French stratification, re-activating colonial hierarchies
More on TeO?
Check http://teo_english.site.ined.fr/
Questionnaire and publications in English
Dataset publicly available