Sociopolitical identity
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Transcript Sociopolitical identity
Sociopolitical Identity of
Turkish Emerging Adults:
The Role of Gender, Religious Sect,
and Political Party Affiliation
Vanessa Victoria Volpe
Acknowledgements
Faculty Mentor: Dr. Selcuk R. Sirin
Dalal Katsiaficas
Dr. Gigliana Melzi
The Spencer Foundation
Sociopolitical Identity
Political Context
Social Interaction
Individual
Sociopolitical Identity
Sociopolitical identity: the evaluation of one's political
group identity as it is experienced through social
interaction (Tajfel & Turner, 1979).
Maintaining a defined sociopolitical identity is an
important developmental task for emerging adults
(e.g., Arnett, 2000; Flanagan & Sherrod, 1998; Schildkraut,
2005).
Components of Sociopolitical Identity
A defined sociopolitical
identity involves four
components.
Sociopolitical identity has
been linked with
civic and political
engagement
(Schildkraut, 2005)
the maintenance of
Membership
Public
Regard
Importance
to Identity
Private
Regard
interpersonal relationships
(Neumann, 1993).
(Luhtanen & Crocker, 1992)
The Risk of Social Identity Stress
Social identity stress: the social experience of being
criticized for holding viewpoints of a distinct political
group (Hayes, Scheufele, & Huge, 2006).
Often results in damaged personal relationships,
feelings of displacement, and feeling that one's
identity is not valuable (Neumann, 1993).
Might result in a lack of exploration for emerging
adults, which may then lead to limiting social
engagement with members of other political
groups.
The Potential of Own-Group Preference
Own-group preference: limiting social and cultural
engagement with members of political out-groups
Limiting engagement to in-group significantly
enhances positive feeling about in-group
(e.g., Brewer, 1979).
Own-group preference might buffer the impact of
social identity stress on sociopolitical identity.
Current Study Rationale
Social identity stress and own-group preference have
never been examined in a political context.
There is a paucity of research on how emerging adults
experience and define their sociopolitical identity in
political contexts.
Research on sociopolitical identity may inform future
research on intergroup relations and political
engagement practices.
The Case of Turkey
Turkish emerging adults represent
the majority of the 75 million
Turkish nationals.
Conflicting viewpoints on the nature
of the political context: polarized vs.
harmonious.
Three important contextual
considerations:
Gender
Religious Sect
Political Party Affiliation
Research Questions
1.
How do emerging adults in Turkey report their social
identity stress, own-group preference, and
sociopolitical identity?
2.
Are there gender, religious sect, and/or political party
affiliation differences on social identity stress, owngroup preference, and sociopolitical identity?
Research Questions
3. Does own-group preference moderate the predictive
relation between social identity stress and
sociopolitical identity?
Own-Group
Preference
Social Identity
Stress
Sociopolitical
Identity
Participants
Diverse nationally representative sample of Turkish
emerging adults (N=1242)
Between the ages of 18 and 28 (M=21.50, SD=2.29)
Gender: 50.6% female
Religious Sect: 65% Sunni, 11% Shafi, 9% Alevi
Political Group:
44% CHP (Secularist)
33% AKP (Moderate)
15% MHP (Islamist)
8% Other
Measures
Construct
Measure Name
Modification
Reliability
Social Identity Societal, Attitudinal,
Stress due to political
Stress
Familial, & Environmental identity
Scale (SAFE; Hovey & King,
1996)
15 items;
α = .84
Own-Group
Preference
Acculturation, Habits and
Interests Multicultural
Scale for Adolescents
(AHIMSA; Unger et al.,
2002)
Social and cultural
preference across political
groups
15 items;
α = .84
Sociopolitical
Identity
Collective Self-Esteem
Scale (CSE; Luhtanen &
Crocker, 1992)
Emerging adults’ report on
how well defined their
political group identity is in
social interactions
16 items;
α = .76
Procedure
Data were taken from a larger national study of
Turkish emerging adults (Political Identity in Conflict
Study, PI: Selcuk R. Sirin)
Self-report surveys collected in over 50 locations
were adapted by a multidisciplinary team of
Turkish researchers to be culturally and
linguistically appropriate.
Results: Sample Characteristics
N
M (SD)
Scale Range
Social Identity Stress
1242
1.80 (.57)
1-4
Some Own-Group Preference
1111
6.59 (3.66)
1-15
Sociopolitical Identity
1242
2.87 (.47)
1-5
Note: 131 participants reported no own-group preference
Social Identity Stress by Gender
t(1240) = 4.45, p < .01
1.6
1.55
Mean Score
1.5
1.45
1.4
1.35
1.36
1.3
1.31
1.25
1.2
1.15
Males
Females
Own-Group Preference by Gender
t(1109) = -4.05, p < .01
2.8
2.7
Mean Score
2.6
2.5
2.54
2.4
2.3
2.37
2.2
2.1
Males
Females
Sociopolitical Identity by Gender
t(1240) = -2.21, p < .05
3.15
3.1
Mean Score
3.05
3
2.95
2.9
2.92
2.85
2.8
2.86
2.75
2.7
Males
Females
Social Identity Stress by Religious Sect
F(2,1240) = 31.91, p < .01
1.8
1.6
Mean Score
1.4
1.2
1.47**
1.38**
1.32**
Alevi
Sunni
1
0.8
0.6
0.4
0.2
0
Shafi
Own-Group Preference by Religious Sect
F(2,1109) = 3.12, p < .01
4
3.5
Mean Score
3
2.5
2.65**
2
2.44
2.34
Sunni
Shafi
1.5
1
0.5
0
Alevi
Sociopolitical Identity by Religious Sect
F(2,1240) = 5.79, p < .01
5
4.5
Mean Score
4
3.5
3
2.5
3.02**
2.88
2.87
Sunni
Shafi
2
1.5
1
Alevi
Social Identity Stress by Political Party
F(2,1240) = 17.39, p < .01
1.8
1.6
Mean Score
1.4
1.2
1.28
1.37*
1.30
1
0.8
0.6
0.4
0.2
0
CHP
AKP
MHP
Own-Group Preference by Political Party
F(2,1109) = 7.03, p < .01
3.5
3
Mean Score
2.5
2.56
2.52
2
2.29*
1.5
1
0.5
0
CHP
AKP
MHP
Results: Moderation Model
Contrary to the first hypothesis, own-group
preference did not predict sociopolitical identity
when controlling for gender, religious sect, and
political party affiliation, F(4, 1240) = 2.64, p = .71.
Therefore, the role of own-group preference was not
assessed, ΔR2 = 0, F(6, 1240) = 14.61, p = .51.
Discussion
The Rejection-Identification Model (Branscombe, Schmitt, & Harvey,
1999) may not be uniform for all national contexts or social
identity domains.
The structure of identity as flexible and multi-dimensional
(Katsiaficas, Futch, Fine, & Sirin, in press; Seider & Gardner, 2009; Sirin
& Fine, 2007).
Researchers should consider the intersections of gender,
religious sect, and political party affiliation in order to more
fully map the sociopolitical identities of Turkish emerging
adults.
Results may shed light on the co-existence of western and
secular ideologies within the political landscape in Turkey and
highlight a generational difference.
Thank you
Questions?